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Cuicul Cardo Maximus

Cuicul Cardo Maximus



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Djémila

Djémila (Cabilio: Ğamila árabe: جميلة , a Fermosa, latín: Cuicul ou Curculum ), anteriormente Cuicul, é unha pequena aldea montañosa en Alxeria, preto da costa norte ao leste de Alxer, onde atópanse algunhas das mellores ruínas preservados bérberes-romanas atopados no norte de África. Está situado na rexión limítrofe con Constantinois e Petite Kabylie (Basse Kabylie).

En 1982, Djémila converteuse en Patrimonio da Humanidade da UNESCO pola súa singular adaptación da arquitectura romana a un ambiente montañoso. Os edificios máis significativos no antigo Cuicul inclúen un teatro, dous foros, templos, basílicas, arcos, rúas e casas. As ruínas excepcionalmente ben conservadas rodean o foro de Harsh, unha gran praza pavimentada cunha entrada marcada por un maxestoso arco.


In 1839, Ferdinand Philippe, son of King Louis-Philippe of France, commanded a military expedition with the intention of conquering eastern Algeria. Near the border of Mauretania, he came across the ruins of the ancient town originally known as Cuicul. He planned to take the triumphal arch back to Paris, but died shortly after and for years the site was forgotten. In 1909, during the construction of a modern road, the ruin was rediscovered. Archaeological work continued until 1957 and led to the reconstruction of many ancient monuments.

A Roman outpost that thrived

Cuicul was founded in AD 96 by Emperor Nerva on the site of an existing village. The Romans had a firm control over coastal towns and needed control of the mountain region which formed a barrier against the desert sands, but did not stop raiding nomadic tribes. To protect these Roman territories the emperor distributed land to veterans to farm and build a series of fortifications at the edge of the desert. Soon families from other towns and provinces moved in.

Roman ruins at Djemila ( tynrud / Fotolia)

Cuicul was a typical Roman town with straight streets and occupied a defensive position on a spectacular rocky outcrop at an altitude of 3000 feet (900m) despite the mountainous terrain. Two ravines limited the length of the east to west streets, but Cardo Maximus ran north to south and was as grand as any other colonnaded street which were the pride of Roman towns.

Entering Cuicul from the north on Cardo Maximus, v isitors may notice signs indicating a brothel. Phalli above the doorways of ordinary Roman homes, however, were a very common symbol used to deflect bad luck and bestow blessings upon the inhabitants.

Ancient travelers could rest and wash at the baths between the Old Forum and Cardo Maximus. Archaeologists were able to identify and partially reconstruct some of the halls, columns and capitals as well as the heating structures.

The Forum, in the town center, had a large temple dedicated to three gods while the smaller temple of Venus Genetrix is one of the finest sights of the Old Town. An inscription nearby celebrates the construction of public granaries, an indication that Cuicul thrived by trading grain.

The Temple of Venus Genetrix ( CC BY-SA 3.0 )

The new expansion included every luxury

Towards the middle of the second century, Cuicul was bursting at the seams. A new neighborhood was developed south of the Old Forum during the last years of the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus and the first years of his son Caracalla. The many inscriptions which celebrated the initial constructions had to be changed after Caracalla killed his brother and co-emperor Geta in December AD 211.

French archaeologists identified many buildings that marked the expansion. They included private buildings and homes decorated with mosaics, an arch erected by Emperor Caracalla, the temple to the family of Emperor Septimius Severus, a new forum, a theatre, and baths.

The mosaics found at Cuicul are similar to others in Roman Africa in that they depicted mythological events, hunting scenes and geometrical motifs. Many of these are now on display in the museum.

A stunning mosaic found at Cuicul, Djemila ( tynrud / Fotolia)

A large square separated the old town from the new development. It was crossed by Cardo Maximus and the new extension was marked by an arch celebrating Emperor Caracalla , his mother Julia Domna and his deceased father Septimius Severus in AD 216. The arch retains the bases of the three statues which stood on top. The inscription confirms the importance of Julia Domna, who perhaps held power as it places her second, after Emperor Caracalla, but before her deceased husband, Septimius Severus.

View of forum and temple in Roman town of Djemila ( tynrud / Fotolia)

Archaeologists have identified buildings and facilities located in the square but were unable to reconstruct them. They included the high podium of a temple where announcements could be made, a cloth marketplace, a high cistern and public latrines. The latrines were regarded as a place for socializing and the flushing system must have been effective thanks to the aqueducts which controlled the flow of water. Cuicul also had a number of public fountains made possible by a conduit built inside which carried water to the top. These, along with the sewers, were used to keep the markets and shops clean.

Public Latrine, Djemila (Bernard, MG/ CC BY-SA 2.5 )

The Roman theatre of Djémila, which could seat approximately 3,000, was built in 161 AD and stood on the slopes of the eastern ravine. The three entrances from where the actors made their appearance are still visible.

In smaller Roman towns, the forums also functioned as markets, but Cuical had a specific food market with access from Cardo Maximus which is still evident and the forum was used for religious and political activities only.

The Great Baths, built in 183, had all the mod cons of the day - some of the marbles and mosaics which decorated them are still in situ. They are located near the top of the hill where a Christian neighborhood was eventually developed close to a large church built by Cresconius, Bishop of Cuicul.

Cuicul fell to the Vandals in AD 431, had a brief renaissance under the Byzantines during the sixth century, only to be abandoned after the Arab invasion in the seventh century when it was renamed Djémila, meaning &lsquobeautiful&rsquo. In 1982 it became a World Heritage site as: &ldquoDjémila bears exceptional testimony to a civilization which has disappeared. It is one of the world's most beautiful Roman ruins.&rdquo


Contents

Under the name of Cuicul, the city was built during the first century A.D. as a military garrison situated on a narrow triangular plateau. The terrain is somewhat rugged, being located at the confluence of two rivers. Cuicul's builders followed a standard plan with a forum at the center and two main streets, the Cardo Maximus and the Decumanus Maximus, composing the major axes. [ 1 ] The city was initially populated by a colony of soldiers, and eventually grew to become a large trading market. The resources that contributed to the prosperity of the city were essentially agricultural (cereals, olive trees and farm).

During the reign of Caracalla in the 3rd century, Cuicul's administrators took down some of the old ramparts and constructed a new forum. They surrounded it with larger and more impressive edifices than those that bordered the old forum. The terrain hindered building, so that they built the theatre outside the town walls, which was exceptional. Christianity became popular in the 4th century, and brought the addition of a basilica and baptistry. They are to the south of Cuicul, and are popular attractions. [ 1 ]

The city was slowly abandoned after the fall of the Roman Empire around the 5th century and 6th century. Muslims later dominated the region, but did not reoccupy the site of Cuicul, which they renamed Djémila ("beautiful" in Arabic).


Thomas Buechler

Setif is a good headquarter from where to explore the Roman ruins of Djemila, the antique

Roman settlement of Cuicul. Select a trustworthy driver and start, half a day is enough for the 35km distance. For the very first time I had to register with the local police at the entrance gate, I found it a little exagerated, but locals always say that it's for security reasons. Djemila in spring time is unbelievable beautiful. It is the symbiosis of the flowers with the ruins that was so unique. I was told that April/May is the best season to come here. But I can also feel the Sahara dust in the air. Besides of the Basilica, the Arc and various Temples, there are Baths and a very interesting museum with famous mosaic tiles like the Toilet of Venus. Its by far the best museum I have seen in Algeria. On the way back to Setif the police insists of an car escort out of Djemila, a bit exagerated I guess as there were really no security concerns.


Dzsemíla

Dzsemíla vagy Dzsamíla (arabul جميلة, jelentése ’a szépséges’ latinul Cuicul, Curculum) Algéria 1982 óta világörökségi védelmet élvező római kori romvárosa a Földközi-tenger partjainál, Kaszentínától 150 kilométerre keletre, Szetif tartományban. Az Észak-Afrika legépebb római építészeti emlékeit megőrző emlékhely két fórumot, színházat, szentélyeket, bazilikákat, termákat, diadalíveket, lakó- és középületeket, illetve utcákat foglal magában. Az impresszív romok a Gergúr- és a Betáme-vádik között magasodó sziklaszirten, 900 méteres tengerszint feletti magasságban állnak.

Az i. sz. 1. század végén, vélhetően Nerva rövid uralkodása alatt (96–98) épült római katonavárosként, amely a berber eredetű Cuicul nevet kapta. A 2. században virágzó kereskedőváros lett, ahol főként mezőgazdasági javak (gabona, olíva, állati termékek) cseréltek gazdát. A város gyors fejlődésnek indult, és déli irányban egy új városnegyed nőtt ki a földből. A 3. században – amikor a lakosság már elérhette a 20 ezer főt – megjelentek a keresztények is a városban, Cuicul egyik név szerint is ismert püspöke 255-ben Pudentianus volt. 431-től 442-ig a vandálok, 553 után a bizánciak birtokolták a fényét vesztett várost, amely a 6. században elnéptelenedett. Az arab uralom idején sem népesült újra, csupán a régi római építészet iránt érzett csodálatuknak adták tanúbizonyságát a hódítók azzal, hogy a romvárost Dzsemílának (’a szépséges’) nevezték el. A régészeti feltárómunka 1909-ben vette kezdetét a romvárosban.

Dzsemíla magán viseli a római várostervezés klasszikus megoldásait. A várost keresztülszelő, központi helyzetű, 800 méter hosszú, jón oszlopsorral övezett út, a cardo maximus mindkét végén városkapuk állnak. Középen található a közel négyzetes alapú (48×44 méteres) fórum, amelyet a legfontosabb közhivatalok kereteznek: északról a római mintára kialakított, Jupiter, Juno és Minerva templomait magában foglaló Capitolium, keletről a törvénykezés otthona, a curia, nyugatról pedig a kereskedelem központja, a basilica Julia. A déli oldalon található a Iulius-ház nemzőjének szentelt Venus Genitrix-templom, valamint a húscsarnok (macellum). A fórumtól délre sorakoznak az arisztokraták díszes mozaikborítású lakóházai, amelyek száma a település 2. századi növekedésével megsokszorozódott, s nyomukban egy új városnegyed alakult ki. Ebben az új negyedben található egy kisebb fórum, a kelmekereskedőknek otthont adó basilica vestiaria, az Antoninus Pius alatt (138–161) befejezett, háromezer embert befogadó színház, a Commodus idejében (180–192) kiépített thermák sora, a monumentális római szökőkút, a Meta Sudans egy másolata, a Caracalla-diadalív (216), valamint Septimius Severus temploma (229). Az őskeresztények megjelenését követő időkből származik a szintén itt található két bazilika, keresztelőkápolna és a papság szállásául szolgáló házak sora.


Tag: Cardo

The human cost of war can be so unimaginably large that it seems unfeeling to speak about the damage to cultural and natural heritage, yet it is important to acknowledge that cost as well. The disaster in Syria will be felt not just by a few generations, but for the rest of time. After World War II, the international community recognized the need to protect cultural and natural heritage in times of conflict, and UNESCO was formed. As in all human history, it seems like all those conferences, petitions, international declarations, talks and meetings failed to come up with a decisive way to prevent the destruction of life and heritage. Unfortunately, Syria is just one of the many cases of failed attempts.

The colonnade at Apamea, following Cardo Maximus. It was built in 2nd century CE. This huge boulevard was 2 km long. Photo by Mina Bulic

The destruction of archaeological sites in conflict zones is not, as the media often reports, done mostly because of the religious views of perpetrators. No, the main reason is that there is big money to be made in the black antiquities market. Some people buy and own artifacts coming from Syria, Iraq and other zones of conflict (sometimes without realizing their origin) and in this way they finance the dogs of war. You have to wonder, who are the people who own artifacts from Apamea? Whose villas and gardens are decorated by Syria’s war? It seems many of those people are coming from our “civilized” west…


Πίνακας περιεχομένων

Η πόλη της Τζεμίλα κατοικήθηκε αρχικά από βετεράνους Ρωμαίους στρατιώτες. [6] Η ίδρυση της πόλης ανάγεται στην περίοδο της βασιλείας του Ρωμαίου αυτοκράτορα Νέρβα (96-98 μ.Χ.). [7] [8] Σύντομα στην πόλη εγκαταστάθηκαν οικογένειες από την Καρθαγένη και άλλες πόλεις της βόρειας Αφρικής. Η αφθονία των πηγών, τα γόνιμα εδάφη, η εύκολη επικοινωνία με άλλες πόλεις οδήγησαν στην ταχεία ανάπτυξη της πόλης. [9] Κατά το 2ο και 3ο αιώνα επεκτάθηκε η πόλη σταδιακά. Στον 4ο αιώνα η πόλη αναπτύχθηκε ακόμα περισσότερο με τη δημιουργία χριστιανικής συνοικίας. Έχουν ανακαλυφθεί δύο παλαιοχριστιανικές βασιλικές, ένα μεγάλο βαπτιστήριο και η επισκοπική κατοικία. Υπήρχε έδρα επισκόπου στην Τζεμίλα ήδη από τον 3ο αιώνα μ.Χ. Το 256 ο επίσκοπος Πουντεντιανός συμμετείχε στη Σύνοδο της Κύπρου, η οποία ασχολήθηκε με το θέμα της εγκυρότητας του βαπτίσματος των αιρετικών και σχισματικών. Μετά την αποκατάσταση των Δονατιστών από τον Ιουλιανό το 362, υπήρχαν δύο χριστιανικές κοινότητες στην πόλη με ξεχωριστό επίσκοπο η καθεμιά. Ο επίσκοπος Cresconius εκπροσώπησε την Καθολική εκκλησία στη σύνοδο της Καρθαγένης το 411. Ο Χριστιανισμός παρέμεινε στην περιοχή μέχρι την πρώιμη Βυζαντινή περίοδο. Είναι γνωστό ότι επίσκοποι της πόλης συμμετείχαν στη Σύνοδο της Κωνσταντινούπολης το 553. [5] Στον 4ο αιώνα δημιουργήθηκαν μεγάλες κατοικίες, που διέθεταν μωσαϊκά. Το 430-442 η πόλη καταλήφθηκε από τους Βανδάλους. Μετά επέστρεψε υπό τον έλεγχο της Ρωμαϊκής αυτοκρατορίας. [10] Η πόλη παράκμασε μετά τον 5ο αιώνα. Οι κάτοικοι εγκατέλειψαν την πόλη σταδιακά τον 5ο και 6ο αιώνα. Οι μουσουλμάνοι κυριάρχησαν στην περιοχή και μετονόμασαν την πόλη σε Djemila. [11]

Στα αρχαιολογικά ευρήματα συγκαταλέγεται η Αγορά της δυναστείας των Σεβήρων στο νότιο άκρο της πόλης. Ένα αρχαίο Ρωμαϊκό θέατρο χωρητικότητας 3000 θεατών χτίστηκε βόρεια έξω από τα τείχη της πόλης, γιατί δεν επαρκούσε ο χώρος μέσα στα τείχη της πόλης. Κοντά στο θέατρο υπήρχε μια αψίδα θριάμβου, που τοποθετήθηκε μετά το 169 μ.Χ. Υπάρχουν επίσης η παλιά Αγορά, σιντριβάνια, το Καπιτώλιο, Ναοί εκ των οποίων ένας είναι αφιερωμένος πιθανόν στον Βάκχο, ένας στην οικογένεια των Σεβήρων (229 μ.Χ.) [12] και ένας άλλος στη θεά Αφροδίτη. [9] Στη χριστιανική συνοικία έχουν ανακαλυφθεί δύο παλαιοχριστιανικές βασιλικές (4ος αιώνας), [2] ένα μεγάλο βαπτιστήριο (τέλη 4ου- αρχές 5ου αιώνα), [13] λουτρά και η επισκοπική κατοικία. [3] Οι παλαιοχριστιανικές βασιλικές διαθέτουν δάπεδο με μωσαϊκό. Στον cardo maximus (δρόμο βόρειου–νότιου προσανατολισμού) είχαν κατασκευαστεί μεγάλες κατοικίες με περιστύλια και δάπεδα με μωσαϊκά. Στη εποχή της δυναστείας των Σεβήρων δημιουργήθηκε μία μεγάλη πλατεία. Επί Καρακάλλα χτίστηκε μία αψίδα στο δρόμο, που οδηγούσε στην πόλη Σετίφ. Έχουν βρεθεί πολλά αγάλματα, ανάγλυφα και επιγραφές. [5]


Cardo Maximus, Ruins of the Greco-Roman City of Gerasa or Antioch on the Golden River, North Amman, Jerash, Jordan - stock photo

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Notes

This self-consciously loose and broadly “socioanthropological” definition is inspired both by semiotic understandings of culture (for which Geertz 1973 is still a useful starting point), and by more materialist approaches, whether framed in terms of “economic” activity in general (e.g., Sahlins 1976) or in terms of consumption in particular (e.g., Bourdieu 1984 Dietler 2010). Material and semiotic approaches are not incompatible, of course. As Dietler puts it, “In the first place, objects ‘materialize’ cultural order—they render cultural categories visible and durable, they aid the negotiation of social interaction in various ways, and they structure the perception of the social world” (2010: 59).

If “Roman” is a convenient shorthand for “Italic” (at least for the purposes of identifying cultural forms outside of Italy), then it must also be conceded that “Italic” is itself simply a catch-all term for the many regional and local cultures of the Italian peninsula. Indeed, the striking cultural diversity of what we are accustomed to call “Roman Italy” has been emphasized in recent scholarship (see, e.g., Wallace-Hadrill 2008: 73–143 McDonald 2015 Terrenato forthcoming). From a macroscopic, empire-wide perspective, however, it is really the similarities of a supra-local, empire-wide cultural system, Italic (or “Italic”) in origin, rather than the differences, that stand out (especially in the first two centuries CE).

Keeping abreast of the latest site reports and specialist studies on the Roman provinces is very difficult even at the regional scale (and out of the question for the empire as a whole). The annual issues of the Journal of Roman Archaeology provide the most convenient overview of the latest research. Synthetic studies that continue to shape the current discussion about acculturation in the Roman provinces include Millett 1990b Blagg and Millett 1990 Alcock 1993, 1997 Mattingly 1997 Woolf 1994, 1995, 1996, 1998, 2001 Fentress 2000 Goldhill 2001 Keay and Terrenato 2001. More recent works addressing the topics listed in this paragraph include Revell 2009, 2015 Mattingly 2010 Whitmarsh 2010 Kampen 2014 Brody and Hoffman 2014 Roselaar 2015 Alcock et al. 2016 Johnston 2017 Zimmermann 2017 Van Oyen and Pitts 2017 Noreña 2018.

For the sociospatial patterning of culture (especially “high” culture) in premodern societies, Gellner 1983: 8–18 is still fundamental cf. Hodos 2017 for an archaeological perspective on material culture(s) and globalization, with well illustrated case studies drawn from many periods and places.

Urban culture in the eastern empire shared many features with the urban cultures of the empire as a whole, and can therefore be seen, in one sense, as “Roman.” See Woolf 1994 Alcock 1997 Goldhill 2001 Whitmarsh 2010 Noreña 2016.

By “cultural production” I refer to the making of art, literature, drama, etc. (and not, in this usage, to any sort of primary or material production). For the city as the key site for cultural production (on this definition) in the Roman world: Fentress 2000 Clarke 2008 Laurence et al. 2011: 1–113 Pfuntner 2019.

For the empire-wide geography of Roman urbanization, see Hanson 2016: 88–93.

Almagro Gorbea 1992 provides a brief overview of Romanization in Segobriga, but recent epigraphic discoveries (discussed below) have changed the picture considerably. For recent discussion and debate on the term and analytical category of “Romanization,” see Versluys 2014 for its application to Segobriga and its (material) culture, see below, pp. 14–21.

Curchin 2004 is the most comprehensive regional survey see also Carrasco Serrano 2012 (with a focus on urbanism) Curchin 2012.

Schulten 1927 provides a comprehensive overview of the historical geography of the Iberian peninsula. For central Spain in particular, see also Curchin 2004: 4–8. In general on mountain economies in the western Roman empire, with emphasis on pastoralism and transhumance (which could take various forms), Garnsey 1988.

Romanization in northeast Spain and the Ebro river valley: e.g., Keay 1990 Rodà 2000 Abad Casal et al. 2006 Sinner 2015. Romanization in southern Spain and the Baetis river valley: e.g., Fear 1996 Keay 1998 Haley 2003. For patterns in Romanization in the Iberian pensinsula as a whole, see also Blázquez 1964 Keay 1988, 2003 Curchin 1991 Coarelli et al. 1992 Johnston 2017. For developments in late antiquity, Bowes and Kulikowski 2005 Fernández 2017.

Or a provincial “hinterland,” as Curchin 2004 calls it. Landlocked uplands in the Roman empire were not wholly devoid of urban centers, of course. As one anonymous reviewer points out, cities like Augustodunum in central Gaul and Ankyra in central Anatolia were large and wealthy. The key difference, though, is that central Spain was not, like these other regions, advantageously situated within long-distance, supraregional trading networks (especially true of the Anatolian plateau a major theme of Marek 2016).

Almagro Gorbea 1992: 275–76 Lorrio 2001: 205–07.

“Celtiberia:” Curchin 2004: 23–26 Johnston 2017: 32–38, 71–77, 117–19. For the castros of Iron Age Spain, Almagro Gorbea 1994, 1995.

Viriathus: Frontinus, Stratagems 3.10.6, 3.11.4. Sertorius: Strabo 3.4.13.

For the archaeology of the third-century crisis, see Witschel 1999 and 2004 (questioning the intensity of the crisis) Rambaldi 2009 (documenting a dramatic decline in building activity in the period).

Bath: Almagro Gorbea and Abascal 1999. Amphitheater: Almagro Gorbea and Almagro Gorbea 1995 Sanchez-Lafuente Pérez 1995. In general on urban change in the Iberian peninsula in the fourth and fifth centuries, Kulikowski 2004, esp. 85–129 Fernández 2017: 29–60, 123–59.

On the Visigothic church (and the archaeology of Visigothic Segobriga more generally), see Abascal Palazón, Almagro Gorbea, and Cebrián Fernández 2008.

For continuing confusion about the identification of the remains at Cabeza del Griego with the ancient site of Segobriga, see, e.g., Fear 1996: 261 (with Curchin 2004: 3). Spanish archaeology after Franco: Keay 2003.

The locus classicus for the Greco-Roman “suite of monumental buildings” definition of the city is the dismissive account of Panopeus, a small city in central Greece, by the second-century CE Greek author Pausanias (10.4.1): “From Chaeroneia it is twenty stades to Panopeus, a city (polis) of the Phocians, if one can give the name of ‘city’ to those who possess no government offices, no gymnasium, no theater, no market-place, no water descending to a fountain, but who live in bare shelters just like mountain cabins, right on a ravine.”

Various perspectives on the urbanization process in the Roman West in Ward-Perkins 1970 Woolf 1998: 106–41 Fentress 2000 Gros and Torelli 2010. Laurence et al. 2011: chaps. 6–10, and Zanker 2014: 101–46, provide convenient sketches of the key building types that made up the Roman urban kit.

The archaeological remains at Segobriga still await comprehensive and final publication. In the meantime, there are useful syntheses in Almagro Gorbea and Abascal 1999 Abascal, Almagro Gorbea, and Cebrián 2002 Abascal, Almagro Gorbea, and Cebrián 2006 Abascal and Almagro Gorbea 2012.

For the circuit wall, Abascal and Cebrián 2007: 527–46.

Spantamicus inscription (Segobriga V, no. 31): Abascal, Alföldy, and Cebrián 2001.

Abascal and Almagro Gorbea 2012: 316–17.

On these structures: Almagro Gorbea and Abascal 1999: 103–12 Abascal, Almagro Gorbea, and Cebrián 2002: 146–57 Terrenato 2002 Abascal and Almagro Gorbea 2012: 320–22.

Theater: Blázquez 1965 Almagro Basch and Almagro Gorbea 1982 Sesé 1994 Terrenato 1998 Abascal and Sanfeliú 2006.

Amphitheater: Almagro Gorbea and Almagro Gorbea 1995 and 1997.

A key theme of Revell 2009.

Howgego 1995 provides a useful introduction to ancient Greek and Roman coinage, with focus both on economic and symbolic aspects.

The standard reference work for these civic coinages is the ongoing Roman Provincial Coinage series. For the typologies of civic coinages, see Howgego et al. 2005 cf. Noreña 2016 for a case study (focusing on the civic coinage of Roman Antioch in the province of Syria).

Cf. Garcia Bellido 1974 Villaronga 1978.

On the corona civica as military decoration, see Maxfield 1981: 70–74 Bergmann 2010: 135–205. For its role in Augustan imagery in particular, Zanker 1988: 93–94, 231, 266.

Convenient introduction to all aspects of Roman epigraphy in Bruun and Edmondson 2014. Epigraphic habit: MacMullen 1982. Monumentality, Latin, and public writing in the western provinces: Woolf 1996 cf. Corbier 2006. Epigraphy in the Iberian peninsula: Alföldy 2011b, documenting the increase in published inscriptions from Spain from c. 6000 (when CIL 2 was first published) to over 25,000 today (and counting).

The authoritative edition of the inscriptions from Segobriga is Abascal, Alföldy, and Cebrián 2011 (= Segobriga V).

Manlii at Segobriga: CIL 2.6338ee, 2.3119 Segobriga V, no. 26. Cf. García Iglesias 1972, no. 192 for a Segobrigan Lucius Manlius attested at Augusta Emerita (first century CE).

For upward mobility from the position of praefectus equitum in the first century, see Demougin 1988: 340–42.

In general on Roman patrons of provincial communities in the West, see Nicols 2014 for central Spain, Curchin 2004: 138–43.

See Dio 54.23.7, 54.25.1 for this extended residence in Spain for Augustus’s first residence, from 26 to 24 BCE, see Suet. Aug. 26.3 Dio 53.22.5, 53.25.7.

For the rise of the imperial cult at Segobriga, see Abascal, Almagro Gorbea, Noguera, and Cebrián 2007. In general on the altars, and evidence for imperial cult in Augusta Emerita and Tarraco in the Augustan age, Fishwick 2017.

For acculturation as imperial policy, see, e.g., Whittaker 1997 (identifying cities as the key instruments of this strategy). The notion that Roman culture was intrinsically attractive—better, in fact, than whatever had been on offer locally—goes back to the very beginnings of Romanization studies (e.g., Haverfield 1912) it has been restated, in effect (but without explicit evaluation), by MacMullen 2000.

For the complex relationship between consumer goods and normative values in the Roman imperial provinces, see Woolf 1998: 169–205. That there could be a disconnect between “outsider” goods and values in the context of asymmetric power relations is clear from modern experience: see, e.g., De Grazia 2006 on the variable commercial and ideological impacts of American consumer goods in postwar Europe.

A key thesis of Noreña 2011b (drawing on a host of earlier studies on the Roman empire and other premodern societies).

For elaboration of the model, in a comparative context (contrasting the situation in Han China), Noreña forthcoming b.

Minimum property qualification for service in the council: see, e.g., the Flavian Lex Irnitana, chap. 86 (minimum qualification of 5000 sesterces) Pliny, Letters 1.19.2 (specifying that no one with less than 100,000 sesterces could serve in local council at Comum). In general on the social rank of municipal councilors, Alföldy 2011a: 169–75.

For the Sempronii and Valerii of the town, see Segobriga V, index, IA, with Fatás 1980: 119–23 Knapp 1977: 7ff. Abascal, Almagro Gorbea, and Cebrián 2006: 187n7.

Overview of the Roman road network in central Spain in Curchin 2004: 107–15, with Figure 5.6 for a map of major roads (bypassing Segobriga).

On the mines, Palomero Plaza 1987: 102–06, 121, 171, 228–29 Curchin 2004: 133, 148, 167.

Calculations and (various) explanations in Alföldy 1987: 259–60 Curchin 1987: 75–76, 2004: 137–40 Knapp 1992: 403–04 Mangas 1999: 347.

In general on the lack of Italian colonization (and associated imperial inputs, such as military bases) in central Spain, Curchin 2004: 48–50, 84–85, 90–92.

See, briefly, Herzig 2006 on the Roman army as an engine of migration (with examples from the Iberian peninsula).

Discussion and further examples in Abascal, Almagro Gorbea, and Cebrián 2006: 191–92, with note 16, emphasizing the survival of a “strongly entrenched indigenous substrate that continued to have a real presence until well into the Principate” (192).

This approach was more or less canonized by Woolf 1998 (but see now Johnston 2017 for a reaction), drawing heavily on Millett 1990b (neatly summarized in Millett 1990a). For a series of studies pushing back against this instrumentalist reading of the uptake of Roman material culture—and attributing more agency to the material culture itself—see now Van Oyen and Pitts 2017.

Cf. Woolf 1995 (“formation of provincial cultures”) Noreña 2011b: 8–14 (“general convergence of social power”).

As Almagro Gorbea puts it, “La cristalización definitiva de la progresiva romanización de Segóbriga corresponde al reinado de Augusto” (1992: 279 cf. 285, “un fuerte impulso económico y social”).

What follows draws on the fuller discussion in Noreña 2011b, esp. chaps. 1 and 6.

For the politics of citizenship in a “republican” empire, see Ando 2016. In general on the benefits (practical and symbolic) of Roman citizenship in the provinces, Ando 2000: 10, 57–66 Shaw 2000: 361–72 (skeptical) Ingelbert 2002.

For municipalization and the spread of the ius Latii in Spain, see (e.g.) Fear 1996 (focused on southern Spain, but with much relevant material for rest of peninsula) for central Spain in particular, Curchin 2004: 89, 123–24, 203.

For the sculptural and statuary program in the forum, see Noguera et al. 2008 for the comparative brevity of this “statue habit” at Segobriga, Smith and Ward-Perkins 2016: 77–78.

Discussion and references in Noreña 2011b: 266–76 for a related case study from the Greek East, Noreña forthcoming a.


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