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Jacques Doriot

Jacques Doriot



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Jacques Doriot was born in France in 1898. During the First World War Doriot served in the French Army and won the Croix de Guerre.

After the war Doriot became a member of the Communist Party and was elected mayor of Saint-Denis. However, in 1934 he left the party and impressed with the success of the Nazi Party in Germany formed the fascist Parti Populaire Francais (PPF) in 1936.

Doriot collaborated with the German occupation but support for the PPF declined during this period. Now a staunch anti-Communist, Doriot served with a French unit in German Army uniforms in the invasion of the Soviet Union.

Doriot returned to France in 1943 but after the D-Day landings he moved to Nazi Germany. Jacques Doriot was killed during an Allied bombing raid in February, 1945.


Jacques Doriot

Post by J. Duncan » 09 Aug 2011, 21:04

Former Communist turned Fascist, Doriot was leader of a fascist party in occupied France. He was killed by a strafing attack which hit his convoy in 1944. Below is a short video of a speech by Doriot. Notice how pasionate he is in his delivery (very emotional, like Hitler). is that sweat soaking his shirt?

Re: Jacques Doriot

Post by Ustuf.33 » 11 Aug 2011, 19:04

Yes, he was the most popular speakman of tis period.

He was Oberleutnant of the LVF , before to be transferred in W-SS (Ostuf. 01.11.1944 Hstuf. 05.11.1944 Stubaf. 09.11.1944).
Unlike Joseph Darnand, he often wore german uniform.

below, photo of his burial. At right, with the cushion with decoraions, Hscha. Pierre CAUCIA (PPF member, and NCO of the LVF/division Charlemagne )

Re: Jacques Doriot

Post by J. Duncan » 12 Aug 2011, 15:10

Re: Jacques Doriot

Post by Ustuf.33 » 13 Aug 2011, 01:04

if you want know more about french SS (include Darnand and Doriot) :
http://www.lulu.com/product/paperback/w . s/15338972


Jacques Doriot (left), 1st december 1943, the day when he receives Iron Cross II class (at right, Leutnant Jacques SEVEAU)

Re: Jacques Doriot

Post by Ustuf.33 » 13 Aug 2011, 01:06

Re: Jacques Doriot

Post by Ustuf.33 » 16 Aug 2011, 15:46

biography of Jacques Doriot (include in "Waffen-SS Français volume 1 : officiers") :

Jacques DORIOT

Waffen-Sturmbannführer der SS

N° SS : NA . Entre à la Waffen-SS le 01.11.1944 .

Waffen-Obersturmführer der SS : 01.11.1944

Waffen-Hauptsturmführer der SS : 05.11.1944

Wafffen-Sturmbannführer der SS : 09.11.1944

Jacques-Maurice Doriot est né le 26 septembre 1898 à Bresles (département de l'Oise), d'une famille ouvrière : son père est forgeron et sa mère couturière. Il commence à travailler à l'usine à l'âge de quinze ans, puis trouve un emploi dans une laiterie. En 1915, à l'âge de dix sept ans, il s'installe à Saint-Denis, et travaille dans plusieurs usines en tant qu'ouvrier métallurgiste. En 1916, il s'inscrit à la section locale des Jeunesses socialistes.

En avril 1917, Doriot est mobilisé, son unité est décimée au Chemin des Dames, en 1918. Il est décoré de la Croix de guerre pour avoir ramené derrière les lignes un camarade blessé, mais il s'est aussi vu condamné à un mois de prison pour indiscipline. Son unité est envoyée à la fin de la guerre dans l'armée d'Orient, ce qui explique qu'il ne soit démobilisé qu'en 1920.

Il revient ensuite à Saint-Denis, et rejoint le camp des partisans de la Troisième Internationale, au sein de la SFIO. De 1921 à 1923, il représente les Jeunesses communistes françaises à Moscou, auprès de l'internationale communiste des jeunes. Pendant son séjour en URSS, il fait l'apprentissage de l'agitation politique et rédige des textes de propagande. Il voyage beaucoup, prend la parole à de nombreuses réunions politiques, et fait la connaissance de Lénine, à qui il voue une grande admiration. À son retour en France, on le place à la tête des Jeunesses communistes.

En 1931, Doriot est élu maire de Saint-Denis, l'un des principaux bastions du PCF, et aussi sa future place forte personnelle. Il dénonce alors le traité de Versailles et l'impérialisme français, et proclame le droit des peuples à l'autodétermination, y compris pour l'Alsace-Lorraine. En 1933, il propose une union entre le PCF et le Parti socialiste, pour renforcer une gauche affaiblie. Il est alors le seul à défendre cette alliance, qui ne trouve guère d'écho. En 1934, il dénonce la menace fasciste qui se manifeste lors des émeutes du 6 février. Il remet à nouveau en question la direction du parti et demande la formation d'une coalition avec les socialistes pour combattre cette menace. Mais cet appel visant à changer de ligne de conduite est considéré comme un manquement à la discipline du parti, par Maurice Thorez et le Komintern. Ces derniers excluent Doriot, lors du congrès de juin 1934. Il fonde le PPF en juin 1936, le Parti Populaire Français. À l'origine, le Parti populaire français n'est pas un parti de type fasciste. Au contraire, il apparait initialement comme un parti de gauche, rival du PCF, mais débarrassé de l'influence marxiste et de Moscou1. Un projet de totalitarisme fasciste s'affirme de plus en plus, comme le montre le discours de Doriot au deuxième congrès du PPF, en mars 1938. Il veut voir renaître une paysannerie forte, déplore la prolétarisation de la France, et présente la famille comme la cellule fondamentale de la nation. C'est aussi sur le plan du racisme et de l'antisémitisme que des changements surviennent, après la mort de son ami juif, Alexandre Abremski.

Après la défaite de la France et la signature de l'armistice, en juin 1940, Doriot cherche à obtenir une place dans le gouvernement à Vichy, mais il est tenu à l'écart. Son parti est même interdit en zone libre comme tous les partis d'ailleurs. Il se rapproche de Marcel Déat et Eugène Deloncle, avec qui il construit un projet de parti unique mais qui n'aboutira jamais, même quand l'union se fera nécessaire. Il regagne Paris en 1940, et s'attache à remettre sur pied le PPF, qui a été désorganisé par la défaite. À la mi-octobre, il lance « Le cri du peuple », un journal qui doit servir à attirer la classe ouvrière. Ses efforts de regroupement sont inefficaces, le PPF ne se développe guère, et à cela s'ajoute une méfiance envers les autorités d'occupation.

L'attaque de l'Allemagne contre l'URSS, le 22 juin 1941, fait définitivement passer Doriot dans le camp de l'Axe. Il appuie la création, le 8 juillet 1941, de la LVF : la Légion des Volontaires Français contre le bolchévisme, qui combat sous l'uniforme allemand et devient une fois au front le 638ème régiment d'infanterie de la Wehrmacht. Il s'y engage lui-même au grade de sergent, et effectue de longs séjours (dix huit mois au total, de l'automne 1941 au printemps 1944) sur le front de l'est, en tant qu'officier d'ordonnance tout d'abord (octobre 1941 – mars 1942) puis officier de renseignements au 3ème bataillon (à partir d'avril 1943). Il est nommé lieutenant, et décoré de la Croix de fer IIème classe le 1er décembre 1943. Membre dirigeant du conseil d'administration provisoire de la LVF, formé le 21 mars 1944, pour modérer les activités de l'association des anciens de la LVF.

Doriot fuit en Allemagne durant l'été 1944, et se retrouve à Siegmarigen, avec tout le gratin de la collaboration. Il est alors l'homme politique le plus apte à négocier avec les allemands, au nom d'un futur hypothétique nouvel état français. Déjà membre de la LVF, Doriot est intégré dans la SS en novembre 1944, avec le grade équivalent qu'il détenait dans la Wehrmacht, puis très vite promu Sturmbannfûhrer. Il rencontre Hitler avec Déat, Bucard et De Brinon, en décembre 1944, afin de mener à bien leurs ambitions. Mais en attendant il s'ennuie ferme, de plus il a été tenu à l'écart de la brigade « Charlemagne ».

Le 22 février 1945, Doriot, son chauffeur et une secrétaire du comité prennent place dans la voiture du conseiller d'ambassade Struve, le véhicule personnel de Doriot étant en panne. À quelques centaines de mètres de Mengen, la voiture est attaquée en piqué par deux avions inconnus2. Doriot, déjà atteint par une première rafale, tente de quitter le véhicule, mais pas assez rapidement pour qu'une seconde rafale ne le frappe mortellement. Prévenus par la secrétaire miraculeusement indemne, Déat et Marcel Marshall (le fidèle bras droit de Jacques Doriot), arrivent sur les lieux, et ne peuvent que constater le décès.

Doriot est inhumé au cimetière de Mengen, où il repose toujours. Il est enterré avec un drapeau tricolore et un drapeau du PPF sur son cercueil. Furent également mis en terre ses décorations françaises et allemandes, ainsi que sa vareuse et sa casquette SS. En 1961, des soldats d'occupation découvrirent sa tombe, la piétinèrent et la souillèrent. Peu après, l'ordonnance de l'armée française qui interdisait de l'entretenir tomba dans l'oubli . Jusqu'à une date récente, Victor Barthélemy et Marcel Marshall organisaient chaque 22 février une cérémonie, à la mémoire de celui qui fut leur chef.

1 Le programme du PPF est assez vague, notamment sur le plan des institutions . Le mouvement social de juin provoque une peur de la droite, ce qui est bénéfique pour le PPF qui reçoit alors l'appui de certains journaux de droite et le ralliement d'hommes d'extrême-droite, ainsi que le soutien matériel d'une partie du patronat . Il faut toutefois noter que le parti refuse de se doter d'une organisation paramilitaire, mais c'est sans doute pour ne pas braquer l'opinion en imitant les ligues ou les partis fascistes . Il y a quand même des éléments de cérémonie qui empruntent fortement aux mouvements fascistes : on peut citer le salut presque similaire au salut romain, le cri «En avant, Jacques Doriot !», et l'existence d'un insigne, d'un drapeau, d'un hymne et d'un serment de fidélité .

2 Malgré de nombreuses spéculations, l'appartenance des avions est aujourd'hui encore inconnue . Même si la thèse d'avions américains ou britanniques est de loin la plus certaine . La thèse d'un assassinat commandité par la police allemande a longtemps circulé, mais ne repose sur aucun fait ou mobile sérieux .


Jaques Doriot

Post by K.Kocjancic » 25 Jun 2003, 19:18

Any info on him would be very helpful!

Post by K.Kocjancic » 25 Jun 2003, 19:46

OK, found the answer myself on:http://www.geocities.com/%7Eorion47/FRANCE/French_Trials.html

But, was he member of WH/Heer?

Post by Researcher » 25 Jun 2003, 21:36

Got a little more on Doriot.

Born 1898 in Bresles (F) Metalworker before founding PPF.

Raised 'Volunteer Legion' to fight on Russian front and also took part in operations against the French Resistance.

Post by K.Kocjancic » 25 Jun 2003, 23:11

So, he was in the German uniform. Does anyone has his photo?

BTW: Researcher, thanks for the info!

Post by David Thompson » 25 Jun 2003, 23:23

Post by K.Kocjancic » 25 Jun 2003, 23:25

OK, it's the same guy as it is on my photo!

Post by HT » 26 Jun 2003, 17:14

Post by K.Kocjancic » 26 Jun 2003, 17:45

Do you know, why was he expelled?

Post by K.Kocjancic » 21 Sep 2006, 00:20

Do you know, why was he expelled?

Post by Animal » 21 Sep 2006, 05:26

Here's a Wikipedia article on him

Jacques Doriot (September 26, 1898, Bresles, Oise—February 22, 1945, near Mengen, Württemberg) was a French politician prior to and during World War II. He began as a Communist but then turned Fascist.


Early life and politics
Doriot moved to Saint Denis at a young age and became a laborer. In 1916, in the midst of World War I, he became a committed Socialist, but his political activity was halted by his joining the French Army in 1917. Participating in active combat during World War I, Doriot was captured by enemy troops and remained a prisoner of war until 1918. For his wartime service, Doriot was awarded the Croix de Guerre.

After being released, he returned to France and in 1920 joined the French Communist Party (PCF), quickly rising through the party - within a few years, he had become one of the PCF major leaders. In 1922 he became a member of the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, and a year later was made Secretary of the French Federation of Young Communists. In 1923, Doriot was arrested for violently protesting French occupation of the Ruhr Area. He was released a year later, upon being elected to the French Chamber of Deputies (the Third Republic equivalent of the National Assembly) by the people of Saint Denis.


Fascism
In 1931, Doriot was elected mayor of Saint Denis. Around this time, he came to advocate an alliance between the Communists and French Fascists with whom Doriot sympathized on a number of issues. Doriot's defense of Fascism divided the Communist Party enough to alarm its leadership, which expelled Doriot in 1934. Still a member of the Chamber of Deputies, Doriot struck back at the Communists by becoming a devoted Fascist and forming the ultra-nationalist Parti Populaire Français (PPF) in 1936. Doriot and his supporters were vocal advocates of France becoming organized along the lines of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany and bitter opponents of Socialist Premier Léon Blum and his Popular Front coalition.

Not content to be active in France alone, Doriot traveled to Spain and became a supporter of Francisco Franco's forces during the Spanish Civil War. While in Spain, he met the British Fascist John Amery, and the two became associates, traveling together to fascist nations such as Austria, Italy, and Germany.


Collaboration
When France went to war with Germany in 1939, Doriot became a staunch pro-German and supported Germany's occupation of northern France in 1940. Doriot resided in collaborationist Vichy France for a time, but he eventually found that it wasn’t nearly as fascist as he had hoped it would be and moved to occupied Paris, where he espoused pro-German and anti-Communist propaganda on Radio Paris. In 1941, he and fellow Fascist collaborator Marcel Déat founded the Legion des Volontaires Francais (LVF), a French unit of the Wehrmacht.

Doriot fought with the LVF and saw active duty on the Eastern Front when Germany invaded the Soviet Union in June of 1941. When the LVF was all but destroyed, Doriot fought with the Wehrmacht, and was awarded the Iron Cross in 1943. In December of 1943, Doriot travelled to Sigmaringen, Germany, and later became a member of the exile Vichy government there. He was killed while traveling from Mainau to Sigmaringen in February of 1945 when his car was hit by Allied strafers. He was buried in Mengen.


The rival role of the fascist leader in the French Popular Party and the Iron Guard in Romania.

This article will compare and contrast the role of the leader in two fascist movements, Jacques Doriot of the French Popular Party (PPF) and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu of the League of the Archangel Michael (later the Iron Guard) in Romania. The PPF and the League could not have had more disparate origins: the PPF with its initial working class base and emergence from the Communist Party led by a former Marxist and atheist proletarian, and the League with its base in the peasantry and church led by a deeply anti-communist and religious intellectual. In the European context, it is further difficult to have seen two more different countries than France and Romania, the former a secular and highly industrialised republic and the latter a deeply religious and semi-feudal monarchy. Yet both groups had in common the charismatic leader who would launch his organisation on the basis of resistance to foreign influence. Like all fascist movements, the PPF and the League represented their leaders as exemplars of the ‘new fascist man’ who would lead their countries away from the perils of internationalism.

It is useful to view the early Twentieth Century as an “age of charismatic rule”.[1] By and large, authoritarian rule was the norm in Europe and politics were driven by identity and notions of equality, concepts that were “intensified, or at least ideologically stylised and simplified, by the ‘charismatisation’ of both the politics and political systems”, with movement and regime leaders becoming the “charismatic bearers of these two impulses, which were interpreted and often shaped into unrecognisable programmes”.[2] Both Doriot and Codreanu attempted to fulfil this role within their specific contexts and each will be examined in turn.

Unlike Hitler and other veterans of WWI, Doriot came away from the trenches committed to anti-militarism. With little education, of firmly working class stock and attracted to the discipline of the French Communist Party (PCF), Doriot was typical of his generation of communists and swiftly became its chief representative in the district of Saint-Denis.[3] His spontaneity and individualism, however, as well as his nationalism and desire to see the development of a uniquely French communism, as opposed to “one which was a servile tool of Soviet interests”, brought him firmly into conflict with the PCF leadership.[4] In Saint Denis, Doriot built a party organisation practically independent from the PCF, where, in proposing a united front with the socialists against fascism, he was supported by the majority of party cadre.[5] His united front proposal drew harsh criticism from other Party leaders and he was subsequently expelled from the PCF in July 1934, ironically just as the Comintern was about to implement his proposal.[6]

Shortly following Doriot’s expulsion, the USSR pursued an alliance with France, throwing the PCF into crisis. The PCF’s policies of support for the USSR and its opposition to imperialist France were now in contradiction. According to Doriot, this forced workers “into the service of one imperialist camp confronted with the ambitions of another (and) threw them into the defence of Versailles”.[7] To Doriot, still a committed anti-militarist, this meant that “revolutionary unity could be achieved only in opposition to the Communist Party”.[8] The only way to maintain peace, he concluded, was for France to seek rapprochement with Hitler. Though he could hardly be described as a pacifist, Doriot’s project had a claim to pacifism: “our programme is peace”.[9] In the two years following his expulsion, Doriot claimed that he was still ostensibly a communist, but the support of wealthy industrialists and bankers in establishing the PPF as a means to pull support from the left resoundingly discredited this claim.[10] In 1936, he founded the PPF, uniting a myriad of forces from across the political spectrum. At the party’s first congress, some 133 of the 625 delegates present had followed Doriot from the PCF, while another 148 represented the far-right.[11]

Though it initially resisted the label of fascism, by 1938 the PPF was in possession of the usual markers associated with fascist movements, including “appeals to violence, antisemitism, and admiration for the Axis”, with even Doriot finding it difficult to “deny that he and his movement were France’s foremost fascists”.[12] Doriot had exhibited an exaggerated masculine posture as a member of the PCF, being described at one point as the “living incarnation in France of the man with the dagger clenched between his teeth”.[13] PPF ideologues often employed this as a means of differentiating him from other PCF leaders.[14] According to La Rochelle, Doriot was “the only leader who was out in front”, leading the workers, while other PCF leaders like Maurice Thorez failed to meet the criteria of leadership. [15] If Thorez had had the real qualities of leadership, La Rochelle wrote, “he would have done what Doriot did: he would have left [the party].”[16] Doriot’s PPF followers portrayed him as a fearless and courageous leader, who as a communist in the beginning of his transition to fascism was prepared, on one instance, to assault single-handedly “two hundred policemen, plunging into the mass [of them], wheeling a café table above his head, carrying a cluster of police agents atop his powerful shoulders, succumbing only after complete exhaustion”.[17] In both Doriot and Codreanu, masculinity superseded the actual content of their ideology. Witnessing the rise of the Axis, many French intellectuals, such as Bertrand de Jeuvenel and Paul Marion, concluded that socialism and liberalism had simply become irrelevant in the new European order, characterised as it was by ideological struggles between authoritarian regimes. For them, the time for academia was over. Europe “now had to be envisioned … in terms of warrior-chieftains like Charles Martel and Charlemagne”, a character they now believed was “once again present in the person of Jacques Doriot”.[18]

The PPF invested a great deal of energy in recruiting left-wing veterans of the Spanish Civil War. The myth established by the campaign was one of the transition from childhood to adulthood, mirrored in the conversion from communism to fascism: the flower of France’s idealistic youth deceived by a cowardly PCF, only to discover the treachery and brutality of their paymasters and return to France disabused of their Marxist illusions.[19] In this way nationalism was associated with vigour and internationalism to “cowardice, weakness, and a lack of virility”.[20] Though this campaign had few returns in terms of actual recruitment from the ranks of those veterans, it served different goals in consolidating the cult of Doriot. Like Doriot, the veterans who did convert to fascism were portrayed as having made a journey from the infantile left to the manhood of fascism. Doriot was cast as the “understanding father” who, having himself experienced and been disillusioned in Marxism, gave these youth a new sense of purpose in their conversion.[21] Doriot was established as the personification of masculinity and virility, who even as a communist possessed enormous physical courage, and having experienced the “coming-of-age disillusionment” in Marxism, became the “original, perfect image of a wise, clear-sighted, forceful form of masculinity”, the embodiment of the new fascist man.[22]

The cult of Doriot was also made necessary by the PPF’s transition from communism to fascism which was not made easy by the coherence of Marxist ideology.[23] It was not marked by any real ideology beyond a vaguely defined “rassemblement national”, personified in the character of Doriot, who his followers saw as being the only individual capable of uniting the French public across classes against the twin evils of social conservatism and Marxism.[24] The narrative of Doriot’s virility, linked to that of the party’s membership, was a foundational myth of the PPF.

Doriot joins the Wehrmacht- he would die in 1945 in an Allied strafing attack.

Unlike Doriot, Codreanu’s antisemitism and anti-communism formed the keystones of his philosophy from the very beginning. In the late 19 th and early 20 th Centuries, a large number of Jews had been in the employ of landlords, and as such, the Jewish community as a whole was seen as a parasitical caste by many in Romania. Some, such as Professor A.C. Cuza, believed that the Jewish presence in Romania was stifling the natural development of the nation and began organising against it. An early follower of Cuza was Codreanu’s father, and through this influence Codreanu became indoctrinated against Jews. During WWI, he was a student at the military academy, which drummed into him “the ideas of Order, Discipline and Leadership”.[25] The Russian Revolution had a profound effect on Romania, with large layers of the working class becoming radicalised, a process which Codreanu was convinced was orchestrated by a “Judaic criminal hand from Moscow”.[26] When he arrived at Jaşi University, he found that the wave of revolutionary enthusiasm had also touched many students, a large number of whom were Jewish. He immediately, and violently, threw himself into anti-Communist activity, recruiting a small number of other students to his cause. Codreanu’s politics, however, were not directed against the workers themselves. He believed that workers had a right to organise in defence of their interests: “It is not enough to defeat Communism. We must also fight for the rights of the workers. They have a right to bread and a fight to honor. We must fight against the oligarchic parties, creating national workers organizations which can gain their rights”.[27]

Codreanu was arrested twice in the 1920s, the first time for conspiring to murder Jews, the second time for shooting three police commissars in what he claimed was self-defence, but each time he was released and treated as a hero upon his return. He used this celebrity status to launch the League of the Archangel Michael in 1927, which would later become the Iron Guard. Fischer-Galati notes that “Codreanu’s movement was rooted in a non-Western ideology” based on nationalism and “Christian agrarian populism” against Jewish capitalism and communism.[28] Yet the League’s ideology was not the invention of Codreanu alone. For the Legion, Codreanu was heralded in a way almost identical to Doriot, as “the executor of the historical legacy of Romanianism and Orthodoxy, such as Steven the Great, Michael the Brave” and even “the reincarnation of the Archangel Michael” himself.[29] He was an extremely charismatic personality whose followers were fond of referring to as the Captain and were disposed to to declaring their adoration: “Him we love to him we listen. We are at his orders. He is our hope and the hope of the Rumania of tomorrow. We are strong through him. We are feared through him. We shall win through him”.[30] According to Codreanu, the leader must have an “inner power of attraction”, a “magnetic force which if not possessed by a man, renders him incapable of leading”.[31] Codreanu cultivated this image, giving it a messianic quality, arriving, for example, in villages on a white horse. He described how he and his followers saw themselves as holy warriors: “knights who in the name of the cross were fighting the godless Jewish powers to liberate Rumania”.[32] He criticised Cuza on the basis of his intellectualism, claiming, as Doriot’s followers did of Thorez, that he avoiding the task of “organizing or of technically and heroically educating his followers”.[33] The followers of the Legion and later the Iron Guard gave little justification for their support of Codreanu. Anti-Semitism already had a firm foothold in rural areas where the movement drew the majority of its support, due not only to the apparent, or at least rumoured employment of many Jews in collecting rents, but the influence of Orthodox Christianity and the “perceived fact that (Jews) had been responsible for the death of Christ”.[34] The majority of students among whom Codreanu had built his initial base had poured into universities in the wake of WWI, the aftermath of which had seen a doubling of Romania’s size and population, and with it, the need for an increase in government bureaucracies. For a devout and charismatic Christian like Codreanu, it was not difficult to tap into the anti-Semitic sentiments of the rural population and manipulate them to his own ends.

Both Doriot and Codreanu had discovered a sense of discipline through the military, which they employed with skill in their political organising. Their backgrounds, though completely at odds, drove both men into fierce opposition to communism and Jews, two groups they identified as elements hostile to their respective nations. This was, however, the extent of their ideologies and in the absence of any real platform, their movements attempted to build in them the image of the ideal man, who could by force of personality liberate their nations. Doriot and Codreanu arrived at their conclusions independently and through vastly different processes in nations with little in common, but once they had, there was little to differentiate between their positions and tactics.

Allardyce, Gilbert & Picard, Andrée. 1975. “Jacques Doriot et l’espirit fasciste en France”. Revue d’histoire de la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale 25(97): 31-44.

Allardyce, Gilbert. 1966. “The Political Transition of Jacques Doriot”. International Fascism 1(1), pp. 56-74.

Carsten, Francis. 1980. The Rise of Fascism, 2 nd ed. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Codreanu, Corneliu. 1976. For My Legionaries. Madrid: Editura Libertatea.

Fischer-Galati, Stephen. 2006. “Codreanu, Romanian National Traditions and Charisma”. Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7(2): 245-250.

Jackson, Julian. 2003. France: The Dark Years 1940-1944. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Kestel, Laurent. 2005. “The Emergence of Anti-Semitism within the Parti Populaire Français: Party Intellectuals, Peripheral Leaders and National Figures”. French History 19(3): 364-384.

Lewis, David. 1996. “European Unity and the Discourse of Collaboration: France and Francophone Belgium: 1938-1945”. PhD thesis. University of Toronto.

Pinto, António and Larsen, Stein. 2006. “Fascism, Dictators and Charisma”. Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7(2): 251-257.

Read, Geoff. 2005. “He is Depending on You: Militarism, Martyrdom, and the Appeal to Manliness in France’s ‘Croix de Feu’, 1931-1940”. Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 16(1): 261-291.

Santore, John. 1981. “The Comintern’s United Front Initiative of May 1934: French or Soviet Inspiration?”. The Canadian Journal of History 81(16): 405-421.

Schue, Paul. 2001. “The Prodigal Sons of Communism: Parti Populaire Francais Narratives of Communist Recruitment for the Spanish Civil War and the Everyday Functioning of Party Ideology”. French Historical Studies 24(1): 87-111.

Yavetz, Zvi. 1991. “An Eyewitness Note: Reflections on the Rumanian Iron Guard”. Journal of Contemporary History 26(3): 597-610.

[1] António Pinto and Stein Larsen, “Fascism, Dictators and Charisma”, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7 (2006): 252.

[3] Gilbert Allardyce, “The Political Transition of Jacques Doriot”, International Fascism 1 (1966): 273.

[4] David Lewis, “European Unity and the Discourse of Collaboration: France and Francophone Belgium: 1938-1945”, (PhD thesis, University of Toronto 1996): 47

[5] John Santore, “The Comintern’s United Front Initiative of May 1934: French or Soviet Inspiration?”, The Canadian Journal of History 81 (1981): 415.

[6] Geoff Read, “He is Depending on You: Militarism, Martyrdom, and the Appeal to Manliness in France’s ‘Croix de Feu’, 1931-1940”, Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 16 (2005): 284.

[7] Allardyce, “The Political Transition of Jacques Doriot”, 282.

[9] Jacques Doriot, “Address to Amis de l’unité”, Emancipation, 16 May, 1936, quoted in Allardyce, “The Political Transition of Jacques Doriot”, 287.

[10] Julian Jackson, France: The Dark Years 1940-1944 (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2003):

[11] Lewis, “European Unity and the Discourse of Collaboration”, 48.

[13] Jean Maze, La Flèche, March 21, 1936, quoted in Santore, “The Comintern’s United Front Initiative of May 1934”: 413.

[14] Read, “He is Depending on You”, 284 Paul Schue, “The Prodigal Sons of Communism: Parti Populaire Francais Narratives of Communist Recruitment for the Spanish Civil War and the Everyday Functioning of Party Ideology”, French Historical Studies 24 (2001): 106.

[15] Pierre Drieu La Rochelle, “Pas de chef communisme”, L’emancipation nationale, October 10, 1936, quoted in Schue, “The Prodigal Sons of Communism”, 107.

[17] Pierre Drieu La Rochelle, Doriot, ou La vie d’un ouvrier français (Saint-Denis: Editions Populaires Françaises, 1936), 29, quoted in Schue, “The Prodigal Sons of Communism: Parti Populaire Francais Narratives of Communist Recruitment for the Spanish Civil War and the Everyday Functioning of Party Ideology”, 105.

[18] Lewis, “European Unity and the Discourse of Collaboration”, 47.

[19] Schue, “The Prodigal Sons of Communism”, 93.

[23] Schue, “The Prodigal Sons of Communism”, 101.

[24] Laurent Kestel, “The Emergence of Anti-Semitism within the Parti Populaire Français: Party Intellectuals, Peripheral Leaders and National Figures”, French History 19 (2005): 365, 371.

[25] Francis Carsten, The Rise of Fascism, 2 nd ed (Berkeley: University of California Press 1980), 182.

[26] Corneliu Codreanu, For My Legionaries (Madrid: Editura Libertatea 1976): 17.

[28] Stephen Fischer-Galati, “Codreanu, Romanian National Traditions and Charisma”, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7 (2006): 256.

[30] Carsten, The Rise of Fascism, 185.

[31] Codreanu, For My Legionaries,, 138.

[32] Corneliu Codreanu, Eiseme Garde (Berlin: Brunnen Verlag, 1939), 331-334, quoted in Carsten, The Rise of Fascism), 186.

[34] Zvi Yavetz, “An Eyewitness Note: Reflections on the Rumanian Iron Guard”, Journal of Contemporary History 26 (1991): 608.


Jacques Doriot

French Communist and Fascist leader Doriot came from a working-class background, fought in the latter stages of the First World War, and in 1920 flung himself into the revolutionary politics of the newly formed Communist Party. Physically courageous and an aggressive speaker, imprisoned several times for his anti-colonial activities, he rose rapidly through the Communist hierarchy. He was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1924 and subsequently established a power base as deputy mayor of the working-class Paris suburb of Saint-Denis. His independence of judgement probably explains why he failed to become party leader in the early 1930s and in 1934 he left the Communist Party when it failed to respond to the resurgence of mass anti-regime movements of the right. The irony is that within three years he was founder and leader of just such a movement, the Parti Populaire Français. The PPF was based on profound anti-Communism, and it was this that led Doriot in 1940 to offer his support to Pétain. Regarded as a dangerous revolutionary by the bourgeois traditionalists of Vichy, he turned himself into a fanatical supporter of the Nazi vision of a New Europe and saw the PPF as its shock troops. He was a founder member of the Legion of Volunteers against Bolshevism, and donned a German uniform to fight on the eastern front. In 1944 he went to Germany and was killed in 1945 when the car he was travelling in was machine gunned by Allied planes.

Doriot's war experiences left him with a loathing of the established political and social order which led him to try one and then the other of the revolutionary ideologies which rejected it. Regarded as the most authentically Fascist of France's right-wing opponents of Republican democracy, he remains a pariah figure.


Re: Jacques Doriot

Post by Sid Guttridge » 27 Jul 2018, 06:13

Re: Jacques Doriot

Post by DavidFrankenberg » 11 Aug 2018, 17:39

One thing that intrigues me is that having won the Croix de Guerre in the First World War, and the Iron Cross in the Second, Doriot must be on a rather short list.

Here would be an even shorter one: winners of both the Iron Cross in the First World War and the Croix de Guerre in the Second.

Some members of the Foreign Legion might qualify in each category hopefully none in both.

Jacques Doriot is not the only brave of the brave french soldiers during both WW to have joined the Collaboration.

Another very well known example is Joseph Darnand. He won the Croix de Guerre during WWI, and was made "Premier Soldat de France" (First/Best soldier of France) and became "Officier de la Légion d'Honneur" during the WWII. He was one of the true hero of 1940 battles.
Darnand became chief of the Milice after that.


Post by tom_deba » 24 Sep 2006, 16:19

I think it is his Heer uniform from the time when he served in LVF in 1941-42.

Post by zabrali » 24 Sep 2006, 17:44

Hello
this photography was taken at the beginning of july 1944 when Doriot with albert B. It's returned during fifteen days to Normandy

Post by Daniel Laurent » 27 Sep 2006, 10:01

Post by Daniel Laurent » 27 Sep 2006, 10:01

Hi everybody,
Jacques Doriot, as rightly mentioned above, was expelled from the Communist Party for advocating alliance with the Socialists while Maurice Thorez, applying the policy of the Kremlin, was advocating the "class agains class" policy.

He was a founder of the LVF, see some details there

He was indeed officially enlisted in the W-SS end 44, as all the members of the LVF, but never served. See the "organigramme" of the Charlemagne, bottom of the page, in the Charlemagne section of this french website

His Parti, the PPF was the most active and largest of the French far-right.

The best biography is from M. Jean-Paul Brunet, "Jacques Doriot. Du communisme au fascisme", éd. Balland, 1986. Sorry, I don't know if it has been translated in english. But you can find quite a lot about him in Rober Paxton books.

i.e : The defeated Bolchevism will make the united Europe.
Well, well, well, look at what is going on since the fall of the Berlin wall


Remembering Pierre Laval, the Communazi

Americans plopped by others on the imaginary &ldquoFar Right,&rdquo such as Senator Robert Taft, President Calvin Coolidge, and Congressman Ron Paul believe(d) in individualism and in Christianity, which are the antitheses of totalitarianism and secular collectivism. During the brief period of the Nazi-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, from August 1939 to June 1941, the absurdity of placing one of these evil regimes on the &ldquoFar Right&rdquo and the other on the &ldquoFar Left&rdquo was grotesquely clear.

During these 22 months, the term &ldquoCommunazi&rdquo was used to describe those who fell in line with the nonaggression pact to attack America. Members of the Communist Party USA and fellow travelers joined the Bund (the pro-Nazi organization in America with close links to Berlin) and Bundists joined the Communist Party in America.

What happened in America happened in Europe as well. Moscow had already ordered German Communists to join the Nazi Party and the common themes of both movements &mdash hatred of Christians and Jews (Stalin had just about purged all Jews from the Politburo and important positions of the Soviet government, just as Himmler had ordered that every member of the SS had to renounce Christianity) and contempt for liberty in all its forms made this an easy step.

Few in these evil movements found any moral qualms about supporting regimes that had heretofore been attacked as ghastly. This sort of complete flipping overnight was something that George Orwell noted and included in his dystopian masterpiece, 1984, in which the three global empires &mdash Oceania, Eastasia, and Eurasia &mdash would be in ever-changing alliances of two against one, and the propaganda of each empire was such that the new alliances were presented as having been always true.

Although the term &ldquoCommunazi&rdquo was wonderfully descriptive of the godless and monstrous regimes in Moscow and Berlin, the term was banished from public discourse after June 1941, when Hitler invaded Russia and FDR decided that &ldquoUncle Joe&rdquo Stalin was a good guy. But the reality of the &ldquoCommunazi&rdquo could not be so easily purged from history. There were such men throughout Europe.

France, in many ways, was a perfect example of this noxious stew of men opposed to ordered liberty and American values. Jacques Doriot joined the Socialist Youth in 1916. In 1920 Doriot joined the French Communist Party. He rose rapidly through the ranks to become a member of the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist Internationale in 1922. By 1923, Doriot was Secretary of the French Federation of Young Communists. He was imprisoned for his revolutionary Marxist politics.

Jacques Doriot was not just a Communist, but he also was one of the leading Communists in the world. In 1925, Ho Chi Minh became one of his protégés. Brian Crozier, in his book The Man Who Lost China, writes that American Earl Browder, the Frenchman Jacques Doriot, and the Briton Tom Mann had been sent by the Comintern to China, where each made political speeches in 1927. Jacques Doriot, Mayor of St. Denis, in 1930 is listed as one of the leaders of the French Communist Party. In 1934, Doriot was actually the Floor Leader of the French Communist Party in the Chamber of Deputies.

But the name Jacques Doriot is absent in the late 1930s. Why? Doriot in 1934 advocated joining other parties of the Left and he was expelled from the French Communist Party in 1934. In spite of his expulsion, Doriot continued to call himself a &ldquoCommunist&rdquo for the next two years. In 1936, he became leader of the French Popular Party, and whole-heartedly collaborated with the Nazis. Yet as late as 1938, Gunther wrote of him: &ldquoDoriot, who wants his revolution right away, says that Stalin, a Russian &lsquoimperialist,&rsquo has sacrificed the true needs of France to those of Russia and has betrayed the &lsquotrue&rsquo communists.&rdquo

An even more interestingly example is Pierre Laval (pictured above), who became President of the Council of Ministers of Vichy France (the part of unoccupied France after the surrender of France in 1940, which collaborated with Hitler) 70 years ago, on April 18, 1942. Laval was an active, almost an enthusiastic, collaborator with Nazi Germany. So, if one is bewitched by the false ideological spectrum with Nazis at one extreme and Soviets at the other, Laval&rsquos career should have been on the so-called &ldquoFar Right,&rdquo but that was not the case at all.

Laval was emphatically on the &ldquoFar Left&rdquo for most of his life. When he ran for office in 1914, he was an &ldquoextreme left-winger&rdquo according to his biographer and he was a Communist when France entered the First World War. John Gunther, in his 1938 book, Inside Europe Today, wrote of him: &ldquoHe began his political life as a violent socialist, and until at least 1922 he was known as a man of the extreme Left.&rdquo He went on to say that when the Left coalition collapsed and Poincare formed a regime, &ldquoLaval was very much out in the cold. He was far too Leftish &mdash still.&rdquo

Then Laval, according to establishment political thinking, began to move to the mythical &ldquoFar Right.&rdquo Did this really mean anything? The Marxist Schuman wrote of Laval in 1939: &ldquoWits noted that his name read the same from left to right as from right to left&rdquo &mdash laval is a palindrome like bob or anna &mdash suggesting that Laval had no true ideology. He was a traitor to France but also a traitor to any principles beyond power. Pierre Laval was the penultimate Communazi.

The move to the &ldquoRight&rdquo began soon after the Nazis came to power. In 1934, Laval, as the French Foreign Minister, reached the understanding with Fascism that allowed the French and Fascists to combine to stop the Nazis in Austria. Why did he work with Mussolini? Pierre van Pasasen in 1939 wrote that Laval may have felt under personal obligations to Mussolini because the two had both been Communists before the First World War, and that this ideological connection helped the French political leader and the Fascist leader of Italy to form a common alliance.

But after that, Laval as Foreign Minister negotiated a mutual assistance pact with the Soviet Union to oppose Hitler. How does that fit in with his image as on the &ldquoFar Right&rdquo? It doesn&rsquot, of course, and then after the Germans conquered France in 1940, Laval became a leader of the collaborationist Vichy Government, which continued after Hitler launched Operation Barbarossa in June 1941, which ended the alliance between Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany.

Laval, the young Communist, was now Laval, the French operative who helped work to defeat the Soviet Union. So how did his career and life end? Laval was executed for collaborating with the Nazis &mdash the perfect example of the silliness of ideological labels: the perfect example of the &ldquoCommunazi.&rdquo


Frühes Leben Bearbeiten

Doriot zog in jungen Jahren nach Saint-Denis bei Paris und wurde Arbeiter. 1916, in der Mitte des Ersten Weltkrieges wurde er ein überzeugter Sozialist, aber sein politisches Engagement wurde durch die Einberufung zur Armee 1917 unterbrochen. 1918 geriet er in deutsche Kriegsgefangenschaft. Für seinen Kriegsdienst erhielt er das Croix de guerre.

Nach dem Ende seiner Gefangenschaft kehrte er nach Frankreich zurück und trat 1920 dem Parti communiste français (PCF) bei, wo er einen schnellen Aufstieg erlebte und innerhalb weniger Jahre eines der führenden Mitglieder wurde. 1922 wurde er Mitglied des Präsidiums des Exekutivkomitees der Komintern und ein Jahr später Generalsekretär der Jugendorganisation seiner Partei. 1923 kam er für seine Teilnahme an gewaltsamen Demonstrationen gegen die französische Ruhrbesetzung in Haft. Ein Jahr später kam er frei, woraufhin er im Wahlkreis Saint-Denis in die französische Abgeordnetenkammer der Dritten Republik gewählt wurde.

Faschismus Bearbeiten

1931 wurde Doriot zum Bürgermeister von Saint-Denis gewählt. Um diese Zeit herum begann er, eine Volksfront-Allianz zwischen den Kommunisten und anderen französischen sozialistischen Parteien, mit denen er aus einer Reihe von Gründen sympathisierte, zu befürworten. Obwohl dies später offizielle kommunistische Parteipolitik wurde, sah man es zu dieser Zeit als Abweichung an und Doriot wurde 1934 aus der Kommunistischen Partei ausgeschlossen. [1] Doriot, der nach wie vor sein Abgeordnetenmandat besaß, gründete daraufhin 1936 den rechtsextremen Parti populaire français (PPF). Doriot und seine Anhänger wurden lautstarke Anwälte eines Frankreich, das nach faschistisch-italienischem und nationalsozialistisch-deutschem Vorbild zu organisieren sei. Als überzeugter Faschist wurde er zu einem antikommunistischen Demagogen und erbitterten Gegner der Volksfront von Premierminister Léon Blum. Im Vorkriegsfrankreich hatte der PPF ca. 200.000 Anhänger. Doriot und der Gründer des Rassemblement national populaire (RNP, Nationaler Zusammenschluss des Volkes) Marcel Déat forderten übereinstimmend eine starke autonome Exekutive, weil sie darin die wirkungsvollste Strategie sahen, den ihnen verhassten Parlamentarismus zu schwächen. Hier endeten jedoch ihre Gemeinsamkeiten, weil Déat von einem autoritären republikanischen Regime schwärmte, während Doriot die republikanischen Organisationsformen und Prinzipien prinzipiell ablehnte und Déat als Opportunisten verachtete. Er unterstützte die Appeasementpolitik des Münchener Abkommens und sprach sich gegen die Konfrontation mit dem Dritten Reich aus, weil er in der französischen Demokratie das rückständigere politische System gegenüber dem der beiden Nachbarstaaten Deutschland und Italien erblickte, wo ein starker Nationalismus herrschte und die Volksgemeinschaft betont wurde.

Unzufrieden mit seinen französischen Aktivitäten ging Doriot nach Spanien und wurde Unterstützer der aufständischen Truppen Francisco Francos im Spanischen Bürgerkrieg. Während seines Spanienaufenthalts traf er den britischen Faschisten John Amery und beide bereisten faschistische Länder in Europa: Italien, Deutschland und Österreich.

Kollaboration Bearbeiten

Als Frankreich 1939 dem nationalsozialistischen Deutschland den Krieg erklärte, wurde Doriot zu einem überzeugten Anhänger der Deutschen und der deutschen Besetzung Frankreichs ab 1940. Für kurze Zeit zog er in die unbesetzte Südzone, fand aber, weil der Innenminister des Vichy-Regimes Pierre Pucheu den PPF zur Untätigkeit verdammt hatte, dass der unbesetzte Teil Frankreichs nicht annähernd so faschistisch sei, wie er gehofft hatte. Der Deutschenhass war unter den Anhängern der Action française und Charles Maurras in der Südzone noch weit verbreitet. Doriot kehrte in das besetzte Paris zurück, wo er prodeutsche und antikommunistische Propaganda bei Radio Paris betrieb. Außerdem leitete Doriot die von Deutschen, Italienern und dem Vichy-Regime finanzierte Wochenzeitschrift Le Cri du Peuple (Der Schrei des Volkes), die am 19. Oktober 1940 erstmals erschien und für die bekannte Kollaborateure, wie Pierre Drieu la Rochelle, Ramon Fernandez, Alain Laubreaux und Robert Brasillach schrieben.

Für den PPF arbeiteten viele ehemals kommunistische Agitatoren, die gut ausgebildet in Propaganda und Subversion waren, er verfügte über eine komplexe innere Struktur und Doriot war als charismatischer Redner dem Intellektuellen Déat überlegen. Zunächst gründete Doriot den Rassemblement pour la Révolution National (RRN Sammlung für die nationale Revolution). Er hoffte, mit dieser Kollaborationspartei durch die Unterstützung der deutschen Besatzer eine faschistische Einheitspartei schaffen zu können, die aus dem Vichy-Regime einen Einparteienstaat formieren sollte. Doch mit der Ernennung des ehemaligen Sozialisten Otto Abetz zum deutschen Botschafter in Frankreich, der traditionellere politische Typen wie Pierre Laval und Déat bevorzugte und den "exzessiven" Thesen Doriots misstraute, zerstoben seine Ambitionen vollständig. Gemeinsam war den deutschen Besatzungsbehörden, dass sie nicht daran dachten, Pétainss Ziel eines geeinten Frankreich zu fördern, sondern ihn nach Kräften daran hinderten, einen Einparteienstaat nach deutschem oder italienischem Vorbild aufzubauen, vielmehr die parteipolitischen, religiösen, regionalen und sonstigen innerfranzösischen Gegensätze förderten, um so Frankreich leichter überwachen und ausbeuten zu können.

Zudem waren sich die deutschen Besatzungsbehörden keineswegs einig, verfügten sie doch über drei Schnittstellen zu den französischen Kollaborateuren: der Militärbefehlshaber für das besetzte Frankreich (MBF), der mit seinem knapp 1.000 Mann starken Stab aus Personal der Wehrmacht und zivilen, in Uniform gesteckten Experten im Pariser Hotel Majestic residierte, dem Oberkommandierenden des Heeres unterstellt, der für militärische, darüber hinaus aber auch für wirtschaftliche und lange Zeit für sicherheitspolitische Fragen verantwortlich war. Vorwiegend politische Fragen wurden vom Botschafter Otto Abetz geregelt, der dem deutschen Auswärtigen Amt und damit dem Außenminister Joachim von Ribbentrop unterstand. Der Botschaft gehörten neben Bürokraten und Juristen aller Ebenen in wachsendem Maße auch Wissenschaftler, vor allem Romanisten an, die sich in dem von ihnen beabsichtigten faschistischen Gesamteuropa (SS-Europa) Karrieren ausrechneten. Der dritte Machtbereich auf deutscher Seite bestand aus der Sicherheitspolizei (Gestapo, Juden- und Résistance-Jäger) und dem Sicherheitsdienst (SD), die zusammen mit der SS Heinrich Himmler unterstanden. Zwischen allen drei deutschen Machtbereichen, insbesondere zwischen der Botschaft und der SS bestand eine gewisse Rivalität, die durch eine mangelnde Abgrenzung der genauen Verantwortlichkeiten gefördert wurde. Abetz und die Botschaft favorisierten Laval und Déat, während die SS Doriot förderte. So war es kein Wunder, dass der PPF erst ab Oktober 1941 in der nördlichen Zone einen autorisierten Status erlangte, den der RNP bereits im Februar 1941 erlangt hatte.

Durch den deutsch-sowjetischen Nichtangriffspakt konnte der PPF seine Unterstützung für die Kollaboration im Sinne eines Kreuzzugs gegen den Kommunismus erst nach Beginn des deutschen Krieges gegen die Sowjetunion im Juni 1941 voll entfalten, als sich die Kommunisten der Résistance anschlossen. Zusammen mit den Kollaborateuren Déat und Eugène Deloncle gründete Doriot die Légion des volontaires français contre le bolchévisme (LVF, französische Freiwilligenlegion gegen den Bolschewismus), in der französische Freiwillige in Uniformen der Wehrmacht sich am Kampf gegen die Sowjetunion beteiligten. Doriot beteiligte sich mit der LVF selbst aktiv am Kampf an der Ostfront zu Beginn des deutschen Einmarschs in die Sowjetunion im Juni 1941 (Unternehmen Barbarossa). Als die LVF aufgelöst worden war, kämpfte Doriot weiter bis August 1944 in der Wehrmacht und wurde 1943 mit dem Eisernen Kreuz ausgezeichnet.

Als Déats vergleichsweise kleiner RNP mit ca. 20.000 Anhängern nach der Rückkehr Lavals nur mit finanziellen Mitteln unterstützt wurde, ohne die erhoffte Regierungsbeteiligung zu erhalten, strebte er in Verkennung der tatsächlichen Machtverhältnisse mit der Gründung des Front Révolutionnaire national (FRN) an, erneut eine föderative Einheitspartei unter Einbeziehung von Doriots PPF zu bilden, um gemeinsam Druck auf das Vichy-Regime ausüben zu können. Doriots PPF betrieb jedoch systematisch den Versuch, die Einheit aller Kollaborateure an der Basis herzustellen, angeblich um die mögliche Invasion Frankreichs für alliierte Truppen vorzubereiten. Um der Unterwanderung durch deutsche oder vichy-französische Stellen vorzubeugen, wurden die örtlichen Einheiten des PPF nach dem Vorbild kommunistischer Zellen in Vierergruppen mit einem fünften Mitglied als Kommandant der Sektion umgestaltet. Bei der Landung der Alliierten in Tunesien (Operation Torch) im November 1942 spielten die PPF-Sektionen kurzzeitig eine entscheidende Rolle in der Opposition gegen die Landung. Doriots PPF diente seitdem den Besatzern nur noch als permanente Drohung gegenüber Laval, um sich den Ministerpräsidenten gefügig zu machen.

Im Dezember 1943 reiste Doriot nach Sigmaringen, wo er Mitglied des hierher geflüchteten Vichy-Regimes wurde. Nach der erfolgreichen Landung der Alliierten in der Normandie veranstalteten Doriot und Déat im Juli 1944 noch einmal in Paris eine Großdemonstration, bei der sie ihren Plan de redressement (= Sanierungsplan) bekräftigten. Am 1. September 1944 erwähnte Hitler seine Absicht, Doriot zum Führer der französischen Exilregierung zu machen, während Darnand und Déat fortwährend in Sigmaringen gegeneinander intrigierten. Bei einer Reise von Mainau nach Sigmaringen im Februar 1945 wurde er getötet, als sein Auto von einem alliierten Tiefflieger beschossen wurde. Er wurde in Mengen begraben.

Die führenden Köpfe der Kollaboration wurden hingerichtet oder zu langen Haftstrafen verurteilt. [2] Déat konnte sich bis zu seinem natürlichen Tod 1955 in einem französisch geleiteten katholischen Kloster nahe Turin verstecken, zusammen mit seiner Frau.


Cartier’s Third and Final Voyage

War in Europe stalled plans for another expedition, which finally went forward in 1541. This time, King Francis charged the nobleman Jean-François de La Rocque de Roberval with founding a permanent colony in the northern lands. Cartier sailed a few months ahead of Roberval, and arrived in Quebec in August 1541. After enduring another harsh winter, Cartier decided not to wait for the colonists to arrive, but sailed for France with a quantity of what he thought were gold and diamonds, which had been found near the Quebec camp.

Along the way, Cartier stopped in Newfoundland and encountered Roberval, who ordered Cartier to return with him to Quebec. Rather than obey this command, Cartier sailed away under cover of night. When he arrived back in France, however, the minerals he brought were found to have no value. Cartier received no more royal commissions, and would remain at his estate in Saint-Malo, Brittany for the rest of his life. Meanwhile, Roberval’s colonists abandoned the idea of a permanent settlement after barely a year, and it would be more than 50 years before France again showed interest in its North American claims.


Watch the video: Héritier de Jacques Doriot, rassieds-toi! (August 2022).