Amiot 353

Amiot 353

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Amiot 353

The Amiot 353 was a version of the Amiot 351/354 twin engined bomber that would have been powered by two 1,030hp Rolls-Royce Merlin III liquid-cooled inline engines. It was developed as part of an effort to use as many different types of engines as possible in the Amiot 350 family. Sixty were ordered in the third modification of the first production contract at the start of 1939, and another one hundred Amiot 353s were ordered as part of the second production contract for the Amiot bomber, placed in January 1939, and this order remained in place when the contracts were modified on 1 December 1939. After this the Amiot 353 fades away, and none were actually produced, although one prototype of the Rolls-Royce powered Amiot 356 was completed and made its maiden flight in June 1940.

History [ edit | edit source ]

Origins [ edit | edit source ]

During the later stages of the French Oil War, Don Elvis began to see a that his crime family should move to New York, so he had to change in the wind as old boss, Eliot Crockett, began to lose power. After all Elvis's attempts to kill Eliot failed, and Eliot killed Amiot's friend "Tommy boy" purely on suspicion, Elvis sold Crockett out. Amiot takes the remains of Eliot's oraganizations and claimed them to "Amiot's family's stuff". He then had enough money to go too New York.

Amiot's Awesome Plan [ edit | edit source ]

In 1959, Elvis saw a new chance to achieve to kill one of New York's best Dons Luciano Barroska, the plan was also made together by Amiot's son, Willy, and his top Capo Snoby Tom Amy. The plan was assassination at a heroin meeting. While at meeting, Luciano was just shaking hands with heroin factory owner, when a bullet righ fly through his head, Don Barroska lays on the ground death, and the heroin owner makes a deal with Don Amiot instead.

Future of the family [ edit | edit source ]

However, Willy, Amiot's son soon, made a deal with rich gambling lord, Benjamin Morgan, and become fast partners. The Consigliere of Amiot crime family, Pete, also kill one of Amiot's long-time enemies: Rick Messolingo, and Amiot family soon become one of most powerful families in New York.

The evolutionary history of lethal metastatic prostate cancer

Cancers emerge from an ongoing Darwinian evolutionary process, often leading to multiple competing subclones within a single primary tumour. This evolutionary process culminates in the formation of metastases, which is the cause of 90% of cancer-related deaths. However, despite its clinical importance, little is known about the principles governing the dissemination of cancer cells to distant organs. Although the hypothesis that each metastasis originates from a single tumour cell is generally supported, recent studies using mouse models of cancer demonstrated the existence of polyclonal seeding from and interclonal cooperation between multiple subclones. Here we sought definitive evidence for the existence of polyclonal seeding in human malignancy and to establish the clonal relationship among different metastases in the context of androgen-deprived metastatic prostate cancer. Using whole-genome sequencing, we characterized multiple metastases arising from prostate tumours in ten patients. Integrated analyses of subclonal architecture revealed the patterns of metastatic spread in unprecedented detail. Metastasis-to-metastasis spread was found to be common, either through de novo monoclonal seeding of daughter metastases or, in five cases, through the transfer of multiple tumour clones between metastatic sites. Lesions affecting tumour suppressor genes usually occur as single events, whereas mutations in genes involved in androgen receptor signalling commonly involve multiple, convergent events in different metastases. Our results elucidate in detail the complex patterns of metastatic spread and further our understanding of the development of resistance to androgen-deprivation therapy in prostate cancer.


Extended Data Figure 1. Variants identified in…

Extended Data Figure 1. Variants identified in 51 whole-genome sequenced samples from 10 patients

Extended Data Figure 2. Validation of the…

Extended Data Figure 2. Validation of the subclonal hierarchies in A22

Extended Data Figure 3. Validation of the…

Extended Data Figure 3. Validation of the subclonal hierarchies in A31 and A32

Extended Data Figure 4. Validation of the…

Extended Data Figure 4. Validation of the subclonal hierarchies in A24 and A34

Extended Data Figure 5. Validation of the…

Extended Data Figure 5. Validation of the subclonal hierarchies in A10 and A29

Extended Data Figure 6. Validation of the…

Extended Data Figure 6. Validation of the subclonal hierarchies in A17 and A12

Extended Data Figure 7. Validation of the…

Extended Data Figure 7. Validation of the subclonal hierarchies in A21

Validation strategy as described…

Extended Data Figure 8. Convergent evolution at…

Extended Data Figure 8. Convergent evolution at the AR locus

Rearrangements and copy number segments…

Figure 1. n -D Dirichlet process clustering…

Figure 1. n -D Dirichlet process clustering reveals widespread polyclonal seeding in A22

Figure 2. Subclonal structure within 10 metastatic…

Figure 2. Subclonal structure within 10 metastatic lethal prostate cancers

All the subclones identified in…

Figure 3. Metastasis-to-metastasis seeding occurs either by…

Figure 3. Metastasis-to-metastasis seeding occurs either by a linear or a branching pattern of spread

Figure 4. Drivers of tumorigenesis are truncal…

Figure 4. Drivers of tumorigenesis are truncal while drivers of castration resistance are convergent

You've only scratched the surface of Damilot family history.

Average Damilot life expectancy in 1975 was 76 years. This was higher than the general public life expectancy which was 70.

An unusually short lifespan might indicate that your Damilot ancestors lived in harsh conditions. A short lifespan might also indicate health problems that were once prevalent in your family. The SSDI is a searchable database of more than 70 million names. You can find birthdates, death dates, addresses and more.

Amiot 353 - History

Michael P. Breen
Vollum 235 (x7322)
T. 1:30-3 pm & W. 10-11:30 am or by appt.

Summary & Course Goals

"What is the goal toward which we are heading? The peaceful enjoyment of liberty and equality the reign of that eternal justice whose laws have been inscribed, not in marble and stone, but in the hearts of all men, even in that of the slave who forgets them and in that of the tyrant who denies them."
&ndash Maximilien Robespierre (1794)

"I want Liberty and Equality to reign in Saint Domingue. I work to bring them into existence. Unite yourselves to us, brothers, and fight with us for the same cause."
&ndash Toussaint Louverture (1793)

For historians, few events are as central, or as problematic, as the French Revolution of 1789. From one perspective, the Revolution can be seen as the sudden, violent end of the ancien régime, a 1000 year-old political, social and cultural system. In the space of a few years, the revolutionaries replaced France&rsquos absolute monarchy, first with a constitutional monarchy and then with a republic. They abolished the corporate, hierarchical society of the ancien régime, eliminating such distinctive features as the aristocracy, trade guilds, legal privileges and feudalism. Revolutionaries also attacked the central role of the Church, confiscating ecclesiastical property, instituting state supervision of the clergy and undertaking a large-scale program of de-Christianization. Finally, they collaborated with free people of color and slaves to challenge the dominance of the wealthy, white plantation owners who dominated France&rsquos lucrative Caribbean colonies, setting in motion a chain of events that culminated with the creation of the first independent nation created by former African slaves&mdashHaïti.

From another perspective, the French Revolution can be seen as the beginning of the modern world. Its struggles were to be replayed across Europe throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (with 1848 & 1917 being the most obvious examples). Revolutionaries&rsquo arguments in favor of the abolition of slavery and racial equality echoed long after Napoleon restored slavery in France&rsquos remaining colonies in the early nineteenth century. Modern concepts such as universal human rights, nationalism, mass democratic politics and even our understanding of &ldquoRevolution&rdquo as a historical process of social, political and cultural transformation can be traced to the events that unfolded in France at the end of the eighteenth century.

While historians generally agree on the Revolution&rsquos historical importance, they differ widely when it comes to explaining its causes, its trajectory and its historical significance. For Marxist historians, the Revolution was the inevitable triumph of the bourgeoisie and capitalism over aristocracy and feudalism. Revisionist historians of the past thirty years have challenged this social interpretation of the Revolution, arguing that it should be seen, not as the product of inexorable historical forces, but as the result of a series of contingencies that led to the monarchy&rsquos political collapse. The Revolution took shape, they argue, as new groups and new ideas rushed to fill the resulting vacuum. In the past decade or so, this revisionist model of a &ldquorevolution in political culture&rdquo has come under increasing scrutiny by historians who question the emphasis it places on intellectual and linguistic factors at the expense of relevant social realities and developments. Yet another group of historians, meanwhile, has started to emphasize the Revolution&rsquos importance beyond Europe by re-integrating the history of Caribbean slave revolutions (especially the Haitian Revolution) into the larger history of the French Revolution.

This course, then, will be an examination of both the French Revolution as a historical event and the various ways historians have interpreted and debated its causes, course and significance. Consequently, this class has several main goals. By the end of the semester, students should have developed:

  • A familiarity with the historical events, figures, ideas and forces that caused the French Revolution and helped to shape its ultimate course, with a particular sensitivity to the historical connections (or lack thereof) between the fall of the Old Regime and the subsequent course of the Revolution.
  • An understanding of different historical interpretations&mdashMarxist, Revisionist & Post-Revisionist&mdashof the Revolution, as well as the ability to critically evaluate these interpretations.
  • The ability to develop their own arguments in response to some of the central issues facing all historians of the French Revolution. These include:
    • Was the Revolution primarily a social, political or cultural event?
    • Was the period from 1789-99 primarily a &ldquobourgeois&rdquo Revolution? If so, how should we define the term &ldquobourgeois&rdquo? If not, which social groups (if any) were responsible for the Revolution?
    • What were the fundamental issues and problems facing the Revolutionaries?
    • What was the relationship between the Revolutionaries and the rest of French society, including women, the peasantry and the urban popular classes?
    • What was the connection between the liberal (1789) and radical (1793) Revolutions? Was the Terror a historical accident or the inevitable outcome of 1789?
    • What role did events in France play in fostering uprisings by free people of color and slaves against colonial regimes in the Caribbean?
    • What explains the initial successes of the movement for racial equality and emancipation in France&rsquos colonies, and its ultimate failure in Guadeloupe (where slavery was restored) and Saint-Domingue (which only preserved emancipation by winning its independence).


    The following books are available at the bookstore and on reserve at the library:

    • Baker, Keith Michael, ed., The Old Regime & the French Revolution (Chicago)
    • Brown, Howard G., Ending the French Revolution: Violence, Justice, & Repression from the Terror to Napoleon (Virginia)
    • Darnton, Robert, The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France (Norton)
    • Desan, Suzanne, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France (California)
    • Doyle, William, The Oxford History of the French Revolution, 2nd ed. (Oxford)
    • Dubois, Laurent, A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787-1804 (North Carolina)
    • Dubois, Laurent, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Belknap) [recommended]
    • Dubois, Laurent & John D. Garrigus, Slave Revolution in Caribbean, 1789-1804: A Brief History with Documents (Bedford/St. Martins)
    • Jordan, David, The King&rsquos Trial: Louis XVI vs the French Revolution (California)
    • Kates, Gary, ed., The French Revolution: Recent Debates & New Controversies, 2nd ed. (Routledge)
    • Sewell, William H., Jr., A Rhetoric of Bourgeois Revolution: Abbé Siéyes & &ldquoWhat is the Third Estate&rdquo (Duke)
    • Storey, William Kelleher, Writing History: A Guide for Students (Oxford) [recommended]
    • Tackett, Timothy, When the King Took Flight (Harvard)

    N.B.: Additional required readings (marked with an [E]) are available on e-reserves. A handful of other readings are on 2-hr reserve at the library. These are indicated on the syllabus.

    Required Assignments

    Conference: Regular conference attendance and participation is expected. It goes without saying that you are expected to come to conference having done the reading for that day and prepared with questions, observations and/or ideas to discuss.

    Whether for illness or for other reasons, if you must miss a conference, please try to let me know in advance.

    First essay (due Fri. Sept. 24th @ 5pm): A five-page essay on a topic to be distributed in advance. No additional reading or research will be required.

    Second essay (due Mon. Oct. 25th @ 12 noon): A five-to-seven page essay on a topic to be distributed in advance. No additional reading or research will be required.

    Papers #1 & #2 should be submitted via e-mail attachment (Word Format)

    Final essay (due Tues. Dec. 14th @ 5pm): A 12-15 pg. research essay on a topic to be chosen in consultation with me.

    The Fine Print: Extensions may be granted at my discretion, but never on the day a paper is due (except in the case of serious emergencies). If you need additional time, you must contact me more than 24 hours before the paper is due, provide a reasonable explanation for your request and an alternate due date. I reserve the right to refuse any extension, so just getting in touch with me does not in itself guarantee one. I write fewer comments on late papers and will consider the extra time an advantage, so expectations will be raised accordingly.

    LM 488, no. 16 Dickinson County Atlas Property Owners and Rural Routes. [Salina, Consolidated], 1950.

    LM 489, no. 4 Atlas of Doniphan County, Kansas, Containing Maps of Townships of the County. Des Moines: Anderson Publishing Co., ca. 1927.

    LM 489, no. 5 Plat Book of Doniphan County, Kansas. Rockford, Illinois: W.W. Hixson & Co., [1931].

    LM 489, no. 6 The 1949 Atlas of Doniphan County, Kansas, with the Township Plats Corrected to December 21, 1948. Harlan, Iowa: R.C. Booth Enterprises, 1949.

    Oversize K/978.1/-D71/T739 Atlas of Doniphan County, Kansas, Containing Maps, Plats of KL Townships, Alphabetical Rural Directory, Histories of Churches, etc., Families, Farms. Minneapolis: Tri-Tabula Inc., 1972.

    HSTAA 353 A: Class, Labor, And American Capitalism

    This course explores the themes of work, class, and labor movements along with the history of American capitalism. The stages of American capitalism and class formation, changes in racial, ethnic, and gender relations and in the values of work, leisure, and consumerism are among the issues to be considered.

    The course is also about the politics of labor and class. Attempts to organize working people into labor unions or political parties date back to the 1820s. We will explore the many faces of organized labor and American radicalism seeking to understand what is often said to be America's unique hostility to class-based ideologies and organizations. The course concludes with a consideration of contemporary patterns of social inequality and the current fate of organized labor.

    • Chrystia Freeland, Plutocrats: The Rise of the New Global Super-Rich and the Fall of Everyone Else
    • James Green, Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing that Divided Gilded Age America
    • Carlos Bulosan, America is in the Heart
    • Course Reader available at Ram Copy


    Midterm, final, 3 page labor event observation paper (double spaced) , and 7+ page research project (double spaced) , weekly reading responses. No one may pass the course without completing each of these assignments.

    They will be weighted as follows: midterm (20%), final (25%), research project (30%), labor event report (10%), class participation/reading responses (15%).

    • Midterm: April 28 (Thursday)
    • Observation paper should be turned in as early as possible deadline May 10
    • Research paper due: May 24 (Tuesday)
    • Final exam: To be arranged.


    Week 1:( read Freeland, Plutocrats, 1-87)
    3/29: Thinking about class
    3/31: Thinking about capitalism and labor

    Week 2:(read Freeland, Plutocrats, 141-287)
    4/5: Industrial revolutions
    4/7: Work and opportunity in 19th century America

    Week 3:(read Green, Death in Haymarket, 1-159)
    4/12: Chicago: Gateway to an industrializing America

    Week 4:(read Green, Death in Haymarket, 160-320)
    4/19: Socialism, Anarchism, and early unions
    4/21: Three Gilded Age labor movements

    Week 5 :(readings for research projects TBA)
    4/26: Death on the Job: Occupational Health Then and Now
    4/28: Midterm

    Week 6 :(readings for research projects TBA)
    5/3: Born Red: Washington State’s radical labor heritage
    5/5: Managerial Revolutions and the Era of Corporate Capitalism 1890-1930

    Week 7:(read Bulosan, America is in the Heart, 1-103)
    5/10: 1930s Big Bang: Towards Balanced Capitalism
    5/12: The Wagner Act and the rise of the CIO

    Week 8: (read Bulosan, America is in the Heart, 104-218)
    5/17: Gender at work: sexual divisions of labor
    5/19:Race at work: the political economy of race and immigration

    Week 9:( read Bulosan, America is in the Heart, 219-327)
    5/24: Taming Labor: From social movement to business unionism
    5/26: The Great Dismantling: From balanced capitalism to globalized financialized capitalism

    Week 10:(to be assigned)
    5/31: Deindustrialization and the new labor movement
    6/2: Political economy, class, and race in the 21 st century

    The object of this assignment is to learn something about how contemporary labor movements operate. You should make plans to observe a labor event, either a cultural event, meeting, picket line, or protest. Then submit a 3 page observation paper describing what you have seen and offering observations and analysis of what it reveals about contemporary labor culture. What attitudes and practices do you observe? Do they reflect aspects of labor history and labor culture that we have been discussing in class? By labor culture I mean ideas, values, rituals, symbols, tactics, etc. Grades will be based on the quality of observations and the quality of writing. This assignment should be completed early and turned in as soon as possible. Deadline: May 10.

    See the Observation Papers page for list of events. As I learn about events, I will post them. Feel free to suggest others.


    There are two options for this assignment: (1) a 7+ page historical research paper (2) participate in a service learning assignment with an eligible union or poverty program and write a 7+ page report. Consult the canvas page for full descriptions of each.

    Mapping American Social Movements Project

    This online project based in the History Department explores the history and geography of many social movements including labor movements, civil rights movements, women’s movements. We are building timelines and mapping the activities of these movements. Work on this project involves reading newspapers online or on microfilm and collecting articles about campaigns, strikes, and other events. The 7+ page paper will be based partly on secondary sources (books) and partly on original research in contemporary newspapers. You may have an option to publish some of your work if the quality and subject matter are right for the project.

    See the list of topics and instructions on the Research projects page.


    We have arranged with the Carlson Leadership and Public Service Center for service learning positions with the following organizations:

    • Labor Archives of Washington, UW Library
    • UNITE HERE! Local 8
    • APACE (Asian Pacific Islanders for Civic Engagement
    • 21 Progress
    • Tent City Collective
    • League of Women Voters
    • Community Alliance for Global Justice

    Most will require 5 hours work each week. Your grade for this assignment will be based in equal parts on work performance and your final paper. This will be a report about the organization and how it operates. It will be based on your observations and you will hopefully also have a chance to interview one or more officials of the organization. It should be 7+ pages in length.

    More information: visit the Carlson Center web site at and find the link to Spring Service-Learning classes.

    You can log in using your UW Net ID to browse positions. For this class, service-learning registration takes place Wednesday March 30-Friday April 1.

    • Amiot 120 BN2 : Bombardier moyen monomoteur de nuit. Classique biplan biplace à structure métallique entoilée, train classique fixe et postes en tandem, le prototype [F-AHCR] effectua son premier vol en 1924 avec un moteur en ligne Renault 12Ma de 580 ch. Cet appareil ne fut pas retenu par l’Aéronautique militaire et mis à la disposition du Capitaine de Corvette Paul Teste en vue d’une tentative transatlantique. Pionnier de l’aviation embarquée en France, Paul Teste se tua sur ce prototype à Villacoublay le 13 juin 1925 .
    • Amiot 121 BN2 : Projet similaire au précédent avec moteur Lorraine-Dietrich 18Kd de 650 ch.
    • Amiot 122 BN3 : Évolution triplace de reconnaissance et de bombardement de l'Amiot 120. Réalisé à la demande de l'Aéronautique militaire, le prototype [F-AIUQ] était légèrement agrandi et équipé d’un moteur Lorraine-Dietrich 18Kd de 650 ch.
      • Amiot 122S : Pour démontrer les qualités de son appareil et tester de nouveaux équipements de radionavigation par goniométrie, la SECM décida d'organiser quelques raids spectaculaires. Confié au capitaine Georges Pelletier-Doisy, le prototype [F-AIUQ] décolla de Villacoublay le 13 septembre 1927 pour effectuer un raid de 10 800 km autour de la Méditerranée via Vienne, Beyrouth, Le Caire, Benghazi, Tunis et Casablanca. Piloté par le Lt Girardot, ce prototype réalisa également entre les 3 et 5 avril 1928 un raid de plus de 10 000 km à travers le Sahara, reliant Paris à Tombouctou et Dakar. Le tronçon Paris-Colomb-Béchar (2 100 km ) fut couvert sans escale en 11 h 30 min . Au total l’avion a volé 69 h 15 min de Paris à Paris.
      • Amiot 122 BP3 : Version triplace de reconnaissance et de bombardement du précédent, 80 appareils commandés par l’Aéronautique militaire française et 5 par le Brésil.

      Équipé d’un moteur Lorraine-Dietrich 18Kdrs poussé à 785 ch et rebaptisé Orzeł Biały (Aigle Blanc), l’appareil décolla à nouveau du Bourget le 13 juillet 1929 à 3 heures 45 du matin, avec le même équipage. Vers 5 heures du matin le moteur donna des signes de défaillance et l’équipage décida de se poser sur l'île de Faial, aux Açores. 4 heures plus tard, le moteur semblant sur le point de rendre l’âme, un atterrissage d’urgence fut décidé sur l’île de Graciosa. Malheureusement l’avion heurta un mur en pierre à l’atterrissage et se retourna, tuant le pilote. Le navigateur n’était que légèrement blessé, mais l’avion prit feu, des paysans s’étant approché de l’épave avec une torche.

      Amiot 353 - History

      Secessionist Sentiment in Texas
      Digital History ID 353

      In just three weeks, between January 9, 1861 and February 1, six states of the Deep South joined South Carolina in leaving the Union: Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas. Unlike South Carolina, where secessionist sentiment was almost universal, there was significant opposition in the other states. Although an average of 80 percent of the delegates at secession conventions favored immediate secession, the elections at which these delegates were chosen were very close, particularly in Georgia, Alabama, and Louisiana. To be sure, many voters who opposed immediate secession were not unconditional Unionists. But the resistance to immediate secession did suggest that some kind of compromise was still possible.

      In the Upper South, opposition to secession was even greater. In Virginia, on February 4, opponents of immediate secession received twice as many votes as proponents, while Tennessee voters rejected a call for a secession convention.

      A correspondent from Galveston, Texas, describes attitudes toward the Union and secession in the Lone Star State two weeks before a secession convention voted to leave the Union.

      I do not know that I can find language sufficiently strong to express to you the unanimity and intensity of the feeling in this region in opposition to the perpetuation of the Union under the rule of President Lincoln and a black Republican administration. That there are among us men of a conservative tendency, and hopeful of preservation of the rights and honor of the Southern States in the confederation, is true, and also a class upon whom the present depression of all material interests acts more powerfully than considerations of future political or social stability. But these are few, very few, in number, while the great majority are for secession without compromise on any terms.

      As in the rest of the Gulf States that I have visited, the desire for revolution is paramount among the people, and the Union is constantly spoken of as both a danger and a disgrace that is to be averted and avoided. The benefits that it has conferred upon all sections of the country are never referred to, and seem to be entirely forgotten and the fact that a revulsion of public sentiment may have occurred in the North, equal to that which has taken place in the South since the Presidential election, never seems to be for a moment considered possible. The popular majority which all the free States have exhibited for Lincoln is looked upon as irreversible, and the party slogan that slavery is "an evil and a crime," and must be belted in with a line of socially hostile States, is accepted as the permanent opinion of the Northern people. It is not alone the fear of danger to their social organization that rouses the Southern community to resistance and revolution the moral obloquy that is conveyed in the sweeping condemnation of an institution which, in a community of mixed races, is considered to be the most wise, and consequently the most productive of high moral results, touches the honor of every Southern man and woman, and leads to that blind resentment which discards all considerations of material interest. The coming administration of Lincoln is looked upon as the embodiment of this moral slur upon Southern society and hence it is believed that submission to it will be an admission of inferiority in the face of the whole world.

      This sentiment has swept away all the old party distinctions in the South, and made revolutionists of Breckinridge men and Bell men alike to such a degree that formerly recognized party leaders are now partyless and powerless, and the masses have shown themselves to be far in advance of those to whom they have hitherto been accustomed to look for counsel in public affairs. So ripe is the feeling for revolution here, that it is today attacking the State government, as well as the general government. Governor [Sam] Houston had refused to assemble the State Legislature for the purpose of considering the present political crisis, and had assigned valid reasons of State policy for his course. These were generally admitted to be binding upon him and yet the people were determined to assemble in convention and take revolutionary action, in which the State government must have acquiesced or be superseded. In consequence of this state of things Governor Houston has changed his course, and issued his proclamation for the assembly of the Legislature.

      It is stated in some quarters that the Lone Star men are in favor of exhausting every measure for obtaining guarantees for Southern institutions in the Union before resorting to secession, and it is probable that the coming political conflict in this State will take the shape of a struggle to remain in the confederation with new constitutional guarantees for the South, or a return to the old condition of the independent republic of Texas.

      Such a course opens grand visions of achievement and glory to all young minds. It is believed that Arizona will unite with us and give us a Pacific as well as an Atlantic shore. In the present dilapidated condition of Mexico, large accessions from her territory to the new republic are deemed possible. Tamalipas, Nuevo Leon, Coahuitla, Chihuahua and Sonora offer a vast field for enterprise and the carrying out of numerous fortunes in their fertile lands and prolific mineral resources, and thousands upon thousands of energetic and ambitious youth would leave the disintegrated States of a disrupted confederacy and seek a new future under the Lone Star of Texas. How long it will be before these anticipations are realized will depend upon the representatives in Congress of the Northern States, if they persist in their hostility to the present necessary social organization of the South, nothing can preserve the present Union. None of the extreme Southern States will remain in the confederacy except upon the admitted equality of Southern to Northern society, and the recognized wisdom of domestic servitude for the inferior race where whites and blacks are living in community.

      Herein lies the great doubt of the Southern people. They see the feeling of hostility to African slavery pervading the churches, the Sunday schools, the moral propagandist societies, the school books, and every kind of moral and religious organization in the North, and they believe that the Northern people are so indoctrinated with hatred to an institution which they know theoretically only, through the most exaggerated and highly colored representations of those evils that are to be found in every constituted society, that they despair of justice being rendered to them. Hence the prevailing wish to sever the bonds of political union. The anti-slavery oligarchy, which rules the North through the clergy and the demagogues, are believed to be immutably enthroned there, whether their policy be for weal or woe to the country. It is for the Northern people to disabuse this belief, and only by so doing can the Union and its immense benefits be preserved to us.

      Amiot 353 - History


      National Security Archive Lawsuit Yields Never-Before-Seen Volumes of Massive Study
      Agency Continues to Withhold Volume 5

      National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 353

      Posted - August 1, 2011

      By Peter Kornbluh

      For more information contact:
      Peter Kornbluh - 202/374-7281 or by email

      Washington, D.C., August 1, 2011 - Pursuant to a FOIA lawsuit filed by the National Security Archive on the 50th anniversary of the infamous CIA-led invasion of Cuba, the CIA has released four volumes of its Official History of the Bay of Pigs Operation. The Archive today posted volume 2, "Participation in the Conduct of Foreign Policy" (Part 1 | Part 2) , classified top secret, which contains detailed information on the CIA's negotiations with Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Panama on support for the invasion.

      "These are among the last remaining secret records of this act of U.S. aggression against Cuba," noted Peter Kornbluh, who directs the Cuba Documentation Project at the Archive. "The CIA has finally seen the wisdom of letting the public scrutinize this major debacle in the covert history of U.S. foreign policy." Kornbluh noted that the agency was "still refusing to release volume 5 of its official history." Volume 5 is a rebuttal to the stinging CIA's Inspector General's report, done in the immediate aftermath of the paramilitary assault, which held CIA officials accountable for a wide variety of mistakes, miscalculations and deceptions that characterized the failed invasion. The National Security Archive obtained the declassification of the ultra-secret Inspector General's report in 1998.

      Volume 2 provides new details on the negotiations and tensions with other countries which the CIA needed to provide logistical and infrastructure support for the invasion preparations. The volume describes Kennedy Administration efforts to sustain the cooperation of Guatemala, where the main CIA-led exile brigade force was trained, as well as the deals made with Anastacio Somoza to gain Nicaragua's support for the invasion. CIA operatives, according to the study, took over diplomatic relations with Anastacio Somoza, pressuring the State Department to agree to loans to Nicaragua as a quid pro quo for covert support of the invasion.

      Volume 3 of the Official History was previously declassified under the Kennedy Assassination Record Act and volume 4 was previously declassified to the CIA historian, Jack Pfeiffer, who wrote the study in the late 1970s and early1980s. The Archive will post a detailed assessment of the declassified history, along with two other volumes tomorrow.

      Related Documents

      Lawsuit - On April 14, 2011, the National Security Archive filed a lawsuit against the CIA under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) to secure the declassification of several volumes of an Official history of the Bay of Pigs Operation compiled between 1974 and 1983. Nearly a decade after the failed invasion, on August 8, 1973, CIA Director William Colby tasked the Agency's History Staff to "develop accurate accounts of certain of CIA's past activities in terms suitable for inclusion in Government-wide historical and declassification programs, while protecting intelligence sources and methods." Historian Jack Pfeiffer assumed responsibility for this history, which was written over the course of 9 years and is divided into 5 volumes it is based on dozens of interviews with key operatives and officials and hundreds of CIA documents. Volume III of the Pfeiffer report was declassified by the CIA in 1998, and the rest of the report is now the last major internal study that remains secret, fifty years after the Bay of Pigs.

      Document 1 - CIA, &ldquoOfficial History of the Bay of Pigs Operation, Volume III: Evolution of CIA&rsquos Anti-Castro Policies, 1951- January 1961&rdquo

      Jack Pfeiffer, the chief historian at the CIA, researched and wrote a comprehensive history of the Bay of Pigs operation between 1974 and 1983. The CIA declassified only Volume III of the five-volume history in 1998, under the Kennedy Assassination Records Act. This three-hundred page report was discovered in the National Archives by Villanova professor of political science David Barrett in 2005, and first posted on his university&rsquos website. Volume III focuses on the last two years of the Eisenhower administration and the transition to the Kennedy presidency. It is newsworthy for clarifying the role of Vice-President Richard Nixon, who, the report reveals, intervened in the planning of the invasion on behalf of a wealthy donor.

      This volume also contains the extraordinary revelation that CIA task force in charge of the invasion did not believe it could succeed. On page 149, Pfeiffer quotes minutes of the Task Force meeting held on November 15, 1960, to prepare a briefing for the new President-elect, John F. Kennedy: &ldquoOur original concept is now seen to be unachievable in the face of the controls Castro has instituted,&rdquo the document states. &ldquoOur second concept (1,500-3000 man force to secure a beach with airstrip) is also now seen to be unachievable, except as a joint Agency/DOD action.&rdquo

      This candid assessment was not shared with the President-elect then, nor later after the inauguration. As Pfeiffer points out, &ldquowhat was being denied in confidence in mid-November 1960 became the fact of the Zapata Plan and the Bay of Pigs Operation in March 1961&rdquo&mdashrun only by the CIA, and with a force of 1,200 men.

      Document 2 - CIA, October 1961, &ldquoInspector General&rsquos Survey of the Cuban Operation and Associated Documents&rdquo

      This internal analysis of the CIA&rsquos Bay of Pigs operation, written by CIA Inspector General Lyman Kirkpatrick after a six month investigation, is highly critical of the top CIA officials who conceived and ran the operation, and places blame for the embarrassing failure squarely on the CIA itself. The report cites bad planning, inadequate intelligence, poor staffing, and misleading of White House officials including the President, as key reasons for the failure of the operation. &ldquoPlausible denial was a pathetic illusion,&rdquo the report concluded. &ldquoThe Agency failed to recognize that when the project advanced beyond the stage of plausible denial it was going beyond the area of Agency responsibility as well as Agency capability.&rdquo The declassified report also contains a rebuttal to Kirkpatrick from the office of deputy director Richard Bissell, challenging those conclusions. Volume V of the Pfeiffer report, titled &ldquoInternal Investigation Report,&rdquo which remains classified, also critiques Kirkpatrick&rsquos conclusions.

      Document 3 - DOD, 5/5/1961, &ldquoRecord of Paramilitary Action Against the Castro Government of Cuba, 17 March 1960- May 1961&rdquo

      This May 5, 1961 report was written by Colonel Jack Hawkins, the paramilitary chief of the Bay of Pigs operation. His 48-page report cites poor CIA organization, and "political considerations" imposed by the Kennedy administration, such as the decision to cancel D-day airstrikes which "doomed the operation," as key elements of its failure. "Paramilitary operations cannot be effectively conducted on a ration-card basis," the report concludes. "The Government and the people of the United States are not yet psychologically conditioned to participate in the cold war with resort to the harsh, rigorous, and often dangerous and painful measures which must be taken in order to win." Hawkins also recommended that further covert operations to depose Castro, unless accompanied by a military invasion, "should not be made." Castro, according to the report, could "not be overthrown by means short of overt application" of U.S. force.

      Document 4 - CIA, 3/9/1960, &ldquoFirst Meeting of Branch 4 Task Force, 9 March 1960&rdquo

      This is a memorandum of conversation of the first CIA Task Force meeting to plan what became the Bay of Pigs, a covert operation to recruit, train, and infiltrate paramilitary units into Cuba to overthrow Fidel Castro. The meeting is noteworthy because the chief of the Western Hemisphere division, J.C. King states that &ldquounless Fidel and Raul Castro and Che Guevara could be eliminated in one package&mdashwhich is highly unlikely&mdashthis operation can be a long, drawn out affair and the present government will only be overthrown by the use of force.&rdquo

      Document 5 - CIA, 3/16/1960, &ldquoA Program of Covert Action Against the Castro Regime&rdquo

      This memorandum outlines the original plans for what became the Bay of Pigs. It was presented to and authorized by President Eisenhower on March 17, 1960. Components of the plan include the creation of a unified Cuban opposition, development of broadcasting facilities, and the training of paramilitary forces. The purpose of the operations, according to the proposal, is to &ldquobring about the replacement of the Castro regime with one more devoted to the true interests of the Cuban people and more acceptable to the U.S. in such a manner as to avoid any appearance of U.S. intervention.&rdquo The original proposed budget is $4.4 million by the time of the invasion the budget has risen to $45 million.

      Document 6 - NSC, 3/11/1961, &ldquoMemorandum of Discussion on Cuba, March 11, 1961&rdquo

      This top secret memorandum of conversation from a meeting of the National Security Council describes continued planning of paramilitary operations in Cuba. President Kennedy says he plans to authorize an operation in which &ldquopatriotic Cubans return to their homeland.&rdquo

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