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Hadrian Timeline

Hadrian Timeline



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  • 76 CE - 138 CE

  • c. 100 CE

    Hadrian marries Vibia Sabina.

  • 117 CE - 138 CE

    Rule of the Roman Emperor Hadrian who supports great building projects in and around the Agora of Athens.

  • 117 CE

    Roman emperor Hadrian grants independence to the Kingdom of Armenia.

  • 11 Aug 117 CE - 10 Jul 138 CE

  • 118 CE

    Hadrian returns to Rome. Execution of the four consulars.

  • 118 CE - 121 CE

    Beginning of the works of Hadrian's villa at Tivoli.

  • 121 CE - 125 CE

    First trip of Hadrian around the Empire: Gaul, Germania, Noricum, Britain, Cappadocia, Galatia, Bithynia, Asia, Greece, Moesia, Dacia, and Pannonia.

  • 122 CE

    Construction begins on Hadrian's Wall.

  • 123 CE

    Hadrian meet Antinous in Bithynia.

  • 124 CE

    Roman emperor Hadrian visits Lydia.

  • c. 127 CE

    The Baths of Hadrian at Lepcis Magna are completed.

  • 128 CE

    Hadrian visits Sicilia and Africa. He inspects the African army and gives the Lambesis speech.

  • 128 CE - 134 CE

    Hadrian travels to Greece, Anatolia, Syria, Judea, Arabia, Egypt and goes back via Greece.

  • 130 CE

    Death of Antinous, Hadrian's beloved, in Egypt.

  • 132 CE - 136 CE

    The Bar-Kochba Revolt.

  • 136 CE

    Adoption of L. Aelius Caesar by Hadrian.

  • 1 Jan 138 CE

    Death of L. Aelius Caesar.

  • 28 Feb 138 CE


Timeline of the name "Palestine"

This article presents a list of notable historical references to the name Palestine as a place name in the Middle East throughout the history of the region, including its cognates such as "Filastin" and "Palaestina."

The term "Peleset" (transliterated from hieroglyphs as P-r-s-t) is found in five inscriptions referring to a neighboring people or land starting from circa 1150 BC during the Twentieth Dynasty of Egypt. The first known mention is at the Medinet Habu temple which refers to the Peleset among those who fought against Egypt during Ramesses III's reign, [2] and the last known is 300 years later on Padiiset's Statue. The Assyrians called the same region "Palashtu/Palastu" or "Pilistu," beginning with Adad-nirari III in the Nimrud Slab in c. 800 BC through to an Esarhaddon treaty more than a century later. [3] [4] Neither the Egyptian nor the Assyrian sources provided clear regional boundaries for the term. [5]

The term "Palestine" first appeared in the 5th century BC when the ancient Greek historian Herodotus wrote of a "district of Syria, called Palaistinê" between Phoenicia and Egypt in The Histories. [6] Herodotus applied the term to both the coastal and the inland regions such as the Judean mountains and the Jordan Rift Valley. [7] [8] [9] [10] Later Greek writers such as Aristotle, Polemon and Pausanias also used the word, which was followed by Roman writers such as Ovid, Tibullus, Pomponius Mela, Pliny the Elder, Dio Chrysostom, Statius, Plutarch as well as Roman Judean writers Philo of Alexandria and Josephus. [11] The word is not found on any Hellenistic coin or inscription, and is first known in official use in the early second century AD. [12]

In 135 AD, the Greek "Syria Palaestina" [a] was used in naming a new Roman province from the merger of Roman Syria and Roman Judaea after the Roman authorities crushed the Bar Kokhba Revolt. Circumstantial evidence links Hadrian to the renaming of the province, which took place around the same time as Jerusalem was refounded as Aelia Capitolina, but the precise date of the change in province name is uncertain. [13] The common view that the name change was intended to "sever the connection of the Jews to their historical homeland" is disputed. [14] [15]

Around the year 390, during the Byzantine period, the imperial province of Syria Palaestina was reorganized into Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda [16] and Palaestina Salutaris. [16] Following the Muslim conquest, place names that were in use by the Byzantine administration generally continued to be used in Arabic. [3] [17] The use of the name "Palestine" became common in Early Modern English, [18] was used in English and Arabic during the Mutasarrifate of Jerusalem. In the 20th century the name was used by the British to refer to "Mandatory Palestine," a territory from the former Ottoman Empire which had been divided in the Sykes–Picot Agreement and secured by Britain via the Mandate for Palestine obtained from the League of Nations. [19] Starting from 2013, the term was officially used in the eponymous "State of Palestine." [20] Both incorporated geographic regions from the land commonly known as Palestine, into a new state whose territory was named Palestine.


Hadrian: rescuer of the Roman Empire

Emperor Hadrian's eponymous wall is often cited as his chief legacy, yet this was but one facet of a Roman reign that faced huge threats, says Alex Butterworth. A new British Museum exhibition reveals more of his life

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Published: August 9, 2008 at 3:53 pm

Prominent among the treasures on display in the British Museum’s summer exhibition, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, is the so-called Cyrene statue of the emperor, named after the colonial city that he founded in present-day Libya. Famous since its discovery in the 19th century for the unique and shocking image it presents of a paunchy Roman emperor dressed in the swagged mantle of the decadent Greeks, it has helped fix the popular perception of Hadrian as a cultured, well-travelled man of peace. But it profoundly underestimates his achievements and distracts from the lasting relevance of his reign.

“Look there,” indicates Thorsten Opper, the exhibition’s curator, pointing at the faulty join where the Cyrene statue’s costumed torso and the head bearing Hadrian’s resolute features meet. “It is absolutely iconic but it is a modern construct only put on there in the 19th century. As we can physically explode that statue, we can explode the myth of Hadrian.” From such new insight flows the exhibition’s reassessment of Hadrian’s long reign. It’s a reappraisal that elevates an emperor who is most familiar in Britain for the wall that bears his name, to a status comparable with that of Augustus himself, the great founding father of empire after the fall of the Roman Republic, 144 years earlier. For, as Octavius earned the title of ‘Augustus’ by his hard-headed stabilisation of Rome and its expanding territories following his defeat of Mark Anthony at the battle of Actium, in the third and fourth decade of the second century AD it fell to Hadrian to resolve the crisis that threatened its existence – imperial overstretch.

When, in AD 117, the dying Emperor Trajan named his successor, his vanity as a military commander had transformed Hadrian’s prize into a poisoned chalice. Following years of glamorous but inadequately secured conquest, the fringes of the empire were fraying. Trajan had advanced into Mesopotamia as far as the Persian Gulf town of Basra: “a hideous miscalculation, reminiscent of the invasion of Iraq,” according to Hadrian’s most recent biographer, Anthony Birley. As a result, the rival empire of Parthia was waging a proxy war against Rome through Jewish insurgents. Britannia, the empire’s northernmost outpost, appeared to be in a state of simmering revolt, while in the wake of the victories over the Dacian tribes recorded on the bas-reliefs of Trajan’s column, the Balkans were again growing restive.

Hadrian reacted decisively to stem the danger, but not with the kind of military campaigns that many of his contemporaries expected from a veteran soldier and which some influential figures in the empire craved. Almost the first order he issued was for the legions that were struggling to subdue Mesopotamia (modern Iraq) to withdraw. Next, the superstructure of the bridge built by Trajan to span the Danube was dismantled, in order to prevent a surprise attack across Rome’s frontier. Hadrian had immediately signalled that his regime’s overriding agenda would be consolidation rather than expansion.

However, with an army trained for conquest, and a capital city accustomed to the spoils of war, Hadrian’s determination to strengthen the empire within its existing borders would cause him recurrent problems. It was perhaps his defining genius to realise that a lasting solution could only be found by forging anew the very idea of the Roman Empire the “empire without end” that Augustus had mythologised as his nation’s destiny would have to become an empire that knew its limits and celebrated stability. But to achieve this would demand tireless determination, the reassurance of his personal presence wherever his subjects were asked to accept change, and all the ingenuity that a man who infuriated others with his intellectual arrogance could muster.

How, though, could one man be everywhere at once? The answer was simple but arduous: incessant travel, leaving behind a memorial trail in the form of public works. With the Hispanic aristocracy from which Hadrian sprang firmly rooted in the capital, and his devoted aide of many past campaigns, Marcius Turbo, ‘the whirlwind’, installed as Prefect of the Guard with an expanded political police at his disposal, Hadrian’s long and frequent absences from Rome passed without protest. While their emperor journeyed incessantly from province to province, returning only rarely during more than a decade, the inhabitants of the city could gaze across the Tiber to where the towering mausoleum, in which he would ultimately be laid, rose as a magisterial reminder of his power and influence over their lives.

A life revealed by art and buildings

Even today, as Christopher Kelly of Cambridge University observes, the physical evidence of Hadrian’s reign offers the surest route to understanding the subtlety of his methods and purpose. “The process of historical distortion began as early as the century after Hadrian’s death, with moralistic Christian historians,” he insists. “Given the dodgy and late status of the texts, an exhibition provides an extraordinarily good way to understand this emperor.” By interrogating the material evidence, even the apparently blunt gesture of constructing the wall in the north of Britannia – along with a great palisade to exclude the Germanic tribes – is revealed to be pragmatic on more than one level. Indeed, it seems likely that these ambitious engineering projects were not even intended as a firm line of demarcation, but rather cut through tribal lands: a fixed but porous projection of Roman power intended more as an instrument of psychological control than of purely military suppression. “Hadrian’s buffer”, as Kelly describes it.

In a reversal of the usual search for relevance in the past, Opper believes that parallels from the contemporary world can inform our understanding of this crucial moment in Europe’s history. “Call it Hadrian’s Wall and you think of a World Heritage Site,” he asserts, “but call it a security fence, like that in Gaza, and it sounds much more sinister.” As the ephemeral artefacts of his reign reveal, Hadrian’s ability to reshape his subjects’ perception of the world was far-reaching. Soldiers redeployed to distant parts of the empire carried with them glorified mess tins that commemorated their service as peacekeepers in the north, the everyday presence of such images reassuring Romans of their emperor’s protective care.

As Anthony Birley points out, it is on coins that we can see the clearest sign of Hadrian’s own self-fashioning, as he restyles himself first as ‘Hadrianus Aug’, then simply ‘Augustus’. Furthermore, the area of the empire on which Hadrian chose to focus his attention suggests that the identification with his illustrious forebear went deeper than mere propagandist convenience. Christopher Kelly offers an astute reminder that, while Roman attitudes towards the east had deep roots in the civil war won by Augustus over Anthony and Cleopatra, “The eastern frontier was also qualitatively different, since it was there alone that Rome faced another organised empire, in Parthia”. Fractious but endlessly fascinating, it was this challenge that would prompt Hadrian’s greatest innovation.

All Greek to Hadrian

Rome, Hadrian seems to have understood, had long since ceased to be a nation, bound together by racial unity, but was a set of cultural values to which its citizens, far and wide, could rally. Values that were Greek in origin were brought to maturity by Rome and remained fundamentally distinct from those of the alien Orient. By suggesting that Hadrian saw Rome’s future as the unifying heart of a Mediterranean civilisation, the British Museum’s exhibition casts his dealings with the Greek population of the empire in a wholly new light. No longer is his decision to remodel Athens mere Philhellenism, but part of a concerted programme of support that embraced too the tens of thousands of Greek pioneers prepared to settle the new colony towns of Egypt and Palestine, under constant threat of annihilation from an antagonistic Jewish diaspora.

“One of my main ideas,” Opper says, “is that Hadrian really recognised the necessity of getting the Greeks onboard and making them partners in leadership. One look at the map shows that the Greek-speaking territories are the hinterland of all the conflict zones – Rome and the Greeks have a shared interest in keeping the empire as it is.” Christopher Kelly differs slightly in his interpretation of Hadrian’s intention, seeing it as a starker process of appropriation: a brazen assertion that, “the real flowering of Hellenic culture is only possible because of the political success of Rome”. However, the effect was the same – a strengthening of the forces loyal to his vision of a truly Mediterranean empire. Whatever the balance of power in the relationship, it is clear that Hadrian did not believe that his plans for cultural harmony and solidarity against a common enemy could work as a one-way street.

When a team of 23 trumpeting elephants appeared outside the Colosseum and towed away the 30-foot high gilded statue of Nero/Apollo in order to make way for a temple symbolically dedicated to both Roma and Venus, even the most obtuse citizens of Rome must have got the message: Rome and Greece were as one. The economic benefits of the construction work, added to that of the Pantheon complex, would have sweetened the pill, while further imprinting Hadrian’s presence on the city. The arcaded forum for which Trajan was remembered may no longer have seemed quite so impressive when compared to these or the mausoleum, surrounding by 200 strikingly lifelike, gilded bronze peacocks.

But while the city of Rome and the empire’s troublesome frontiers undoubtedly made the most pressing demands on Hadrian’s attention, lasting success in his imperial project demanded a balanced approach to governance. That only three out of 44 provinces have so far failed to yield evidence of Hadrian’s personal presence demonstrates his wise recognition of the essential role in the health of the empire played by small town stalwarts and their mundane lives. Undoubtedly, an imperial visit might be financially crippling, both in immediate catering costs and the obligation to commemorate it with a fine building for the emperor to officially open, as at Leptis Magna in Libya. Nevertheless, Christopher Kelly is in no doubt about the appeal of Hadrian’s patronage. “An imperial visit was both prestigious and bankrupting, but it offered a once-in-a-hundred-years opportunity, maybe, when that long-standing family dispute over property can be settled.”

A fighter, and a lover

Statues of Hadrian now proliferated in the hundreds of cities of the empire, alongside those of Augustus, projecting not the image of a Greek-loving peacenik but that of a severe warrior, buckled into his cuirass and trampling the barbarian enemy underfoot, or mythically, in the pose of the Borghese Mars. Hadrian was also a passionate exponent of the chase, and there was one hunt, above all, for which it pleased him to be known: that in which he single-handedly saved his young lover, Antinous, from a lion. The event occurred in the Libyan desert, prior to the Egyptian visit of AD 130 and was commemorated by a favour-currying Alexandrian poet, in verses that are rich in pathos. For within a few weeks, the body of the young man that Hadrian had saved from a savage mauling – still beautiful, but not so smooth-skinned and boyish as when it first entranced the emperor – would be pulled, lifeless, from the Nile (see box on page 31).

Antinous’s mysterious death impacted deeply on Hadrian and recent excavations of his great villa at Tivoli have revealed a magnificent temple for the worship of his lover’s memory. Is it really too cynical, though, to suggest that the tragic demise of Antinous also delivered Hadrian precisely the missing piece he needed to complete his subtle programme of propaganda for the new imperium: an icon whose exquisitely androgynous face and athletic body epitomised the fusion of Roman and Greek, and spawned a cult that rivalled Christianity in its structure and, for a time, its popularity. Its semi-spontaneous adoption by the provincial elite, in the eastern provinces especially, allowed them, in Kelly’s words, “to speak to Hadrian’s grief, while demonstrating that they are full participants in his pan-Hellenic programme.” But what happens, he pondered, “when you don’t spend money building a colonnade to welcome the emperor, when you’re not prepared to buy into his remake of the eastern Mediterranean?”

Among the enduring art and architecture produced under Hadrian, the Pantheon stands out. Its dome inspired that of St Peter’s in Rome, the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople and even the round reading room in which the British Museum exhibition is held. However, it is an empty space – marked by devastation rather than construction – that Kelly chooses as the most telling artefact of the period: the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. There, in the brutal aftermath of rebellion in the early AD 130s, the holiest site of Jewish religion and the city that lay around it were razed to the ground. Was Hadrian’s insensitive edict banning circumcision (which provoked the violence) prompted by Greek scruples about the mutilation of the body, as Birley suggests? Or was it simply a catastrophic misjudgment followed up with the kind of heavy-handed irascibility that would increasingly mark Hadrian’s later years? Either way, it tarnished his reign.

In place of the vanished Temple of Jerusalem, the exhibition offers letters written by the leader of the Jewish resistance, Bar Kokhba, along with the fragile personal effects of those who went with him into hiding. These are arguably the most emotionally affecting objects on display, more so even than the tablets recording everyday life from the Vindolanda fort on Hadrian’s Wall, since these documents contain the voices not of the occupiers but of the oppressed. A photograph reveals the extreme location in which they were found, preserved in a cave several hundred feet down a sheer cliff face, atop which the Roman army built a permanent camp to starve them out. Many in the Cave of the Letters never did make their getaway.

Judaea was one Roman province that failed to find a place in the microcosm of empire marked out by Hadrian’s villa at Tivoli. The pool of the canopus recalled Egypt, and the estate even boasted its own wittily-named Hades: perhaps the extensive ‘backstage’ where the slaves strove, all but invisible to guests, to sustain the illusion of effortless luxury. But as Hadrian walked its corridors in the twilight of his years, anxious to match Augustus’s longevity as emperor and determined to ensure that the succession would eventually pass to the teenaged Marcus Aurelius, ahead of the 900th anniversary of the foundation of Rome, he may perhaps have pondered whether a lifetime filled with effort and tinged with sadness and cruelty had been truly worthwhile. Would his project of consolidation survive – and with it the mystical authority of the emperor on which Rome depended?

Thorsten Opper is in no doubt about the scale of Hadrian’s achievements. “Without exaggeration, you can say that his policies towards the Greek world laid the foundations for what became the Byzantine Empire. His reforms guaranteed the continuation of the empire for another millennium.” It is fitting then that this exhibition should finally pay Hadrian his due as the latest in the British Museum’s series of epochmaking world rulers. After all, as Christopher Kelly concludes, “We, at the beginning of the 21st century, ought to pay especial attention to Hadrian because he realised, in dramatic and extensive form, that culture is as much a part of empire as conquest”.

The life and times of Hadrian

Hadrian was born into a senatorial family with roots in Italica, near Seville, and he spent his early years in Spain. A military consul three times over and veteran of numerous campaigns under his uncle-in-law Trajan, the young Hadrian was eager to insinuate his way into the emperor’s favour. However, it was not until Trajan lay dying that he finally named Hadrian as his heir. Assuming power at a time of crippling imperial overreach, Hadrian personally presided over a crucial period of consolidation, constantly travelling to imprint his authority on far-flung provinces. He died on 10 June, AD 138, aged 62, one year short of Augustus’s age and a decade too soon to commemorate the ninth centenary of the foundation of Rome, whose longevity he had ensured.

Timeline: the peripatetic emperor

While based in Syria, to defend the rear of the army in Parthia, Hadrian hears that Trajan has died in Sicily. Almost his first act as emperor is to order the army’s withdrawal from the three new provinces beyond the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, but the need to suppress further trouble in Dacia prevents him from returning to Rome with Trajan’s ashes.

Spending winter on an inspection tour of the legions on the Germania frontier, he orders the building of a continuous, threemetre wooden palisade. Travelling to Britannia, where the army has suffered serious losses during an insurrection, he initiates work on the great stone wall that bears his name. Coins depict Britannia, with spear and shield, for the first time.

In Mauretania, Hadrian personally oversees the suppression of a revolt, then goes to Parthia where he averts war through summit negotiations with King Osroes I. In Bithynia, athletic contests are staged in his honour and he possibly meets Antinous for the first time. In Anatolia he hunts boar and kills a she-bear, founding the city of Hadrianutherae.

Hadrian begins to implement his new vision for the Mediterranean world while in Greece. A huge forum complex and the ‘Library of Hadrian’ commence the rebuilding of Athens and he finally completes the temple of Olympian Zeus, started in the sixth century BC. He is initiated into the Eleusinina Mysteries of Demeter and is hailed as a god.

In Greece, Hadrian’s project to re-establish Athens as the spiritual heart of the Greek world continues. A Panhellenion, or council of Greek cities, including those in Egypt and the old enemy of Sparta, is established and its meetings are held in the Zeus temple. A coin is struck for his arrival at Ephesus acclaiming ‘Hadrianus Olympius’ – the incarnation of Zeus.

On Hadrian’s fateful visit to North Africa he saves Antinous from a lion during a hunt in Libya, then listens to verses commemorating the event in Alexandria. As Egypt’s ruler, local superstition delays his inspection of the Upper Nile until the floods have receded. After Antinous drowns on the journey, the city of Antinoopolis is founded nearby.

About to return to Rome after a third winter in Athens, Hadrian receives news of a revolt in an inadequately garrisoned Judaea, sparked by his policy of rebuilding Jerusalem as a colony. His best general is summoned from Britannia and reinforcements are deployed to reverse heavy Roman losses: over half a million Jews are slaughtered. Hadrian, back in Rome, accepts the only ‘imperatorial acclamation’ of his reign.

Hadrian’s sexuality: lost love and a broken heart

Love and sex between older men and adolescent boys was a widely accepted feature of Roman life. Indeed, one of the main sources of irritation in the strained relationship between the Emperor Trajan and the younger Hadrian, was jealousy over an especially appealing catamite. Hadrian’s relationship with the exquisite Bithynian boy, Antinous, is likely to have been accepted as perfectly normal.

But by the time of Hadrian’s visit to Egypt in AD 130, his lover had reached maturity and their passion was now more questionable. On the subject of Antinous’s drowning in the Nile, moralistic accounts by Christian historians of the following century cannot be trusted: suggestions of ritual sacrifice to restore Hadrian’s health, or suicide to escape the misery of lost youth and love, are less plausible than a slip in the mud. Yet the scurrilous rumours underline the intense, tortuous bond between Hadrian and his lover.

Hadrian was wise enough not to demand his lover’s deification by the Senate. However, the grand temple to Antinous recently discovered at Tivoli is a representation of the heartfelt grief of the emperor. According to Hadrian’s great fictional ‘autobiographer’ Marguerite Yourcenar, their tragic affair offered the key to understanding his personality.

Alex Butterworth is a writer and dramatist and is co-author of Pompeii: The Living City (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2005)

EXHIBITION: The exhibition Hadrian: Empire and Conflict runs from 24 July to 26 October 2008 at the British Museum, Great Russell Street, London WC1B 3DG. Tickets cost £10–12. For information, call 020 7323 8181 or visit www.britishmuseum.org

BOOKS: Hadrian by Anthony Birley (Routledge, 2000) The Roman Empire: A Very Short Introduction by Christopher Kelly (Oxford University Press, 2006) Hadrian: Empire and Conflict by Thorsten Opper (British Museum Press, 2008) The Memoirs of Hadrian by Marguerite Yourcenar (Penguin, 2000)


Timeline of the History of Spain and the Iberian Peninsula

The chart above shows a rough timeline of the various political entities that had control throughout the history of Spain and the Iberian Peninsula.

Pre-History of the Iberian Peninsula

DNA evidence shows that for thousands of years the Iberian Peninsula was a crossroads of sorts. Mass migrations came in several different waves. First was the influx of hunter-gatherer groups called the “Villabruna” who came to coexist with the original hunter-gather groups called the “Goyet”.

Next was a mass-migration of peoples originally from Anatolia about 7,500 years ago, who brought domesticated plants and animals with them. The new farmers virtually overran the hunter-gatherers, though there is evidence of the Goyet-Villabruna people adapting to farming methods.

Another later migration came from North Africa. DNA from excavated skeletons in central Spain show ancestry from the North African region. Later archeological digs also confirmed this finding.

Copper and Bronze Age Spain featured some highly advanced cultures for its time. The Los Millares and subsequent El Argar civilizations give a glimpse at what life was like 4,000-6,000 years ago, prior to yet another large migration, this time from Celtic peoples speaking Indo-European languages from central Europe.

The Celts intermarried with the existing peoples of the region and formed a new group collectively called the Celtiberians. This is a reference to the strong cultural influences of the Celtic people on the region, and how they came to dominate the landscape in pre-Roman times.

These discoveries show that for thousands of years before the major civilizations graced the region, mass migrations were engulfing and shaping Spain from every direction.

Phoenician, Greek & Roman Rule of the Iberian Peninsula

At the end of the Bronze Age and early Iron Age the Phoenicians began building settlements along the south coast of the Iberian Peninsula. The Phoenicians were a sea faring people from the opposite end of the Mediterranean Sea and were primarily interested in the trade of the metal producing societies of the coast.

The Phoenician city of Gadir (modern day Cadiz) was founded around 1100 BCE and is one of the oldest continually inhabited cities in Western Europe. Other trade cities such as Malaga and Ibiza were founded and inhabited by the Phoenicians.

While the Phoenicians remained in the south, the Greeks founded cities on the northeastern coast. A major hub was the city of Emporion and nearby Rhode also became a regional trade center.

The Phoenician city of Carthage became an empire in its own right, and soon established cities on the Mediterranean coast competing with the Greeks. The city of Carthago Nova (modern day Cartagena) was its central hub that traded precious metals for the Carthaginian Empire. Carthage was the first entity to significantly move inland from the coast as it established its domain far into central Spain through brutal warfare.

With the Roman victories in the Punic Wars, in 218 BCE the Romans occupied former Carthage cities on the Iberian Peninsula. It wasn’t until nearly 200 years later, in 19 BCE, that the Romans brought the entire peninsula under their control.

The Iberian colonies were a treasured part of the Roman empire. Influential Iberian families were brought into the political fold of Roman society, and several emperors (such as Trajan and Hadrian) were born in Iberian cities.

Islamic Conquest of Spain

After the fall of the Roman empire there was a brief power vacuum in the peninsula. In its wake various Germanic tribes moved into the region, such as the Suebi, Vandals and Visigoths.

By the early/mid 5th century, the Visigoths had conquered most of the peninsula. Only the south remained independent under Byzantine rule from 554-624. The Byzantine rule was established under Emperor Justinian I in an attempt to restore some of the western provinces of the Roman Empire.

The Visigoths ruled until the early 8th century when they were beset by new invaders from the south. A combined Arab and Berber force launched an invasion of the peninsula from North Africa upon reports of political division within the Visigoth kingdom.

The invasion and subsequent conquest was swift, with a vast majority of the peninsula coming under the control of the Umayyad Caliphate within eight years. Only a few small Christian kingdoms remained in the north of the peninsula.

The region of Muslim control of the Iberian peninsula was called Al-Andalus and the Muslims invaders were generically referred to as “The Moors” by Europeans. The Umayyad’s of Al-Aldalus were essentially an autonomous polity by the mid-8th century and transformed the region into a center of culture and learning.

The Islamic rulers themselves dealt with fractured polities and periods of upheaval. Their Christian enemies seized upon these to gradually claw back territory. By the 13th century, Islamic power had waned and only held a small amount of territory at the southern tip of Iberia.

The Christian Kingdoms of Spain

Almost immediately after the Arab/Berber conquest of Spain in the 8th century, the small Christian kingdoms that remained sought to win back their lost territory. At the Battle of Covadonga in 718 or 722, the Christians scored a major victory against the Umayyad.

This victory is often referred to as the first of the Reconquista, or expulsion of Muslims from the Iberian peninsula. It was a struggle that would last for centuries, and lead to near constant warfare across the peninsula throughout.

From the 8th to 15th centuries, a variety of Christian kingdoms would emerge. Not only would these kingdoms fight with the Muslims, but they also vied with each other for regional dominance. Several of the emerging kingdoms included:

  • Kingdom of Leon
  • Kingdom of Navarre
  • Counties of Catalonia
  • Kingdom of Castile
  • Kingdom of Aragon
  • Kingdom of Portugal

Through the centuries, these kingdoms would also align politically at various times. The Christians scored major victories against the Muslims to the south and were able to successfully transfer power and influence from the south to the north of the peninsula. Islamic influence gradually waned, until only one small province (Granada) was remaining by the 13th century.

Three major polities remained towards the end of the 15th century: The Kingdom of Portugal, Castile and Aragon.

Creation of the Spanish Monarchy

The origins of modern day Spain can be traced back to the political union of the kingdoms of Aragon and Castile. Queen Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon married in 1469. Ferdinand ascended to the throne of Aragon in 1479, bringing the two kingdoms together for the first time.

The two rulers were referred to as ” The Catholic Monarchs” and oversaw the completion of the Reconquista in 1492. With that, an edict expelling all Jews and Muslims from Spain was issued.

Isabella and Ferdinard also engineered the beginnings of Spain’s emerged to global power. Through funding the voyage of Columbus and subsequent voyages to the Americas, Spain acquired a vast overseas empire.

Upon their deaths, Aragon and Castile briefly reverted back to their independent polities. A few years later in 1516, Charles I of the Habsburg dynasty (grandson of Ferdinand II and Isabella I) was named king of Spain. This is the effective beginning of the Spanish monarchy under Habsburg rule.

With unification complete, Spain vied for global supremacy. Their overseas possessions made them arguably the most wealthy nation for a time. Spanish influence and power waned over the subsequent centuries, coinciding with the decline and loss of overseas possessions.

In the modern age, Spain no longer adheres to a monarchy, but is committed to democracy and a member of the European Union since 1986.


Remaining Artifacts

Mementos of Hadrian's reign—in the form of coins and the many building projects he undertook—survive. Most famous is the wall across Britain that was named Hadrian's Wall after him. Hadrian's Wall was built, beginning in 122, to keep Roman Britain safe from hostile attacks from the Picts. It was the northernmost boundary of the Roman empire until early in the fifth century.

The wall, stretching from the North Sea to the Irish Sea (from the Tyne to the Solway), was 80 Roman miles (about 73 modern miles) long, 8-10 feet wide, and 15 feet high. In addition to the wall, the Romans built a system of small forts called milecastles (housing garrisons of up to 60 men) every Roman mile along its entire length, with towers every 1/3 mile. Sixteen larger forts holding from 500 to 1000 troops were built into the wall, with large gates on the north face. To the south of the wall, the Romans dug a wide ditch, (vallum), with six-foot-high earth banks.

Today many of the stones have been carted away and recycled into other buildings, but the wall is still there for people to explore and walk along, although the latter is discouraged.


Ancient Jewish History: The Bar-Kokhba Revolt

The Bar Kokhba revolt marked a time of high hopes followed by violent despair. The Jews were handed expectations of a homeland and a Holy Temple, but in the end were persecuted and sold into slavery. During the revolt itself, the Jews gained enormous amounts of land, only to be pushed back and crushed in the final battle of Bethar.

When Hadrian first became the Roman emperor in 118 C.E., he was sympathetic to the Jews. He allowed them to return to Jerusalem and granted permission for the rebuilding of their Holy Temple. The Jews’ expectations rose as they made organizational and financial preparations to rebuild the temple. Hadrian quickly went back on his word, however, and requested that the site of the Temple be moved from its original location. He also began deporting Jews to North Africa.

The Jews prepared to rebel until Rabbi Joshua ben Hananiah calmed them. The Jews then satisfied themselves with preparing secretly in case a rebellion would later become necessary. They built hideouts in caves and did shoddy work building weapons so that the Romans would reject the weapons and return them to the Jews.

The Jews organized guerilla forces and, in 123 C.E., began launching surprise attacks against the Romans. From that point on, life only got worse for the Jews. Hadrian brought an extra army legion, the &ldquoSixth Ferrata,&rdquo into Judea to deal with the terrorism. Hadrian hated &ldquoforeign&rdquo religions and forbade the Jews to perform circumcisions. He appointed Tinneius Rufus governor of Judea. Rufus was a harsh ruler who took advantage of Jewish women. In approximately 132 C.E., Hadrian began to establish a city in Jerusalem called Aelia Capitolina, the name being a combination of his own name and that of the Roman god Jupiter Capitolinus. He started to build a temple to Jupiter in place of the Jewish Holy Temple.

As long as Hadrian remained near Judea, the Jews stayed relatively quiet. When he left in 132, the Jews began their rebellion on a large scale. They seized towns and fortified them with walls and subterranean passages. Under the strong leadership of Shimon Bar-Kokhba, the Jews captured approximately 50 strongholds in Judea and 985 undefended towns and villages, including Jerusalem. Jews from other countries, and even some gentiles, volunteered to join their crusade. The Jews minted coins with slogans such as &ldquoThe freedom of Israel&rdquo written in Hebrew. Hadrian dispatched General Publus Marcellus, governor of Syria, to help Rufus, but the Jews defeated both Roman leaders. The Jews then invaded the coastal region and the Romans began sea battles against them.

The turning point of the war came when Hadrian sent into Judea one of his best generals from Britain, Julius Severus, along with former governor of Germania, Hadrianus Quintus Lollius Urbicus. By that time, there were 12 army legions from Egypt, Britain, Syria and other areas in Judea. Due to the large number of Jewish rebels, instead of waging open war, Severus besieged Jewish fortresses and held back food until the Jews grew weak. Only then did his attack escalate into outright war. The Romans demolished all 50 Jewish fortresses and 985 villages. The main conflicts took place in Judea, the Shephela, the mountains and the Judean desert, though fighting also spread to Northern Israel. The Romans suffered heavy casualties as well and Hadrian did not send his usual message to the Senate that &ldquoI and my army are well.&rdquo

The final battle of the war took place in Bethar, Bar-Kokhba&rsquos headquarters, which housed both the Sanhedrin (Jewish High Court) and the home of the Nasi (leader). Bethar was a vital military stronghold because of its strategic location on a mountain ridge overlooking both the Valley of Sorek and the important Jerusalem-Bet Guvrin Road. Thousands of Jewish refugees fled to Bethar during the war. In 135 C.E., Hadrian&rsquos army besieged Bethar and on the 9th of Av, the Jewish fast day commemorating the destruction of the first and second Holy Temples, the walls of Bethar fell. After a fierce battle, every Jew in Bethar was killed. Six days passed before the Romans allowed the Jews to bury their dead.

Following the battle of Bethar, there were a few small skirmishes in the Judean Desert Caves, but the war was essentially over and Judean independence was lost. The Romans plowed Jerusalem with a yoke of oxen. Jews were sold into slavery and many were transported to Egypt. Judean settlements were not rebuilt. Jerusalem was turned into a pagan city called Aelia Capitolina and the Jews were forbidden to live there. They were permitted to enter only on the 9th of Av to mourn their losses in the revolt. Hadrian changed the country&rsquos name from Judea to Syria Palestina.

In the years following the revolt, Hadrian discriminated against all Judeo-Christian sects, but the worst persecution was directed against religious Jews. He made anti-religious decrees forbidding Torah study, Sabbath observance, circumcision, Jewish courts, meeting in synagogues and other ritual practices. Many Jews assimilated and many sages and prominent men were martyred including Rabbi Akiva and the rest of the Asara Harugei Malchut (ten martyrs). This age of persecution lasted throughout the remainder of Hadrian&rsquos reign, until 138 C.E.

Sources: Encyclopedia Judaica. &ldquoBar Kokhba&rdquo. Keter Publishing House, Jerusalem.
H.H. Ben Sasson, Editor. A History of the Jewish People. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1969.
History Until 1880: Israel Pocket Library. Keter Publishing House Ltd., Jerusalem, 1973.
The Jewish Encyclopedia. &ldquoBar Kokba and Bar Kokba War.&rdquo Funk and Wagnalls Co. London, 1902.
Kantor, Morris. The Jewish Time Line Encyclopedia. Jason Aronson Inc., New Jersey, 1989.

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Messianic Yearnings

It was not until the reign of the Roman emperor Trajan (98-­117 C.E.) that the problems came to the surface. In 115� C.E., while Trajan was occupied in Mesopotamia, Jews throughout the Diaspora rose up against their non‑Jewish neighbors in a violent confrontation. Before long pitched battles were being fought in Egypt. The Jews of Cyrene (in North Africa) were said to have massacred their neighbors. Similar disturbances fol­lowed in Cyprus and Mesopotamia. The Roman general Lucius Quietus, ferocious in putting down the Mesopotamian revolt, was rewarded with the governorship of Palestine. When Hadrian became emperor in 117 C.E. he had to spend his first year mopping up the last of the rebels. The Land of Israel seems to have been involved in these battles only to a limited extent.

What is especially significant in these disturbances is the evidence that they were fueled by the very same messianic yearnings that had helped to fan the flames of the Great Revolt, and would soon lead to the Bar Kochba Revolt. To be sure, other social, economic, and political causes were at work, especially a general decline in relations between Jews and their neighbors in the Hellenistic world, but when these finally led to the of a rebellion, it was the belief in a messianic future that made possible the leap of faith to the belief that the revolt might succeed.

Early in the time of Hadrian there was an abortive attempt to rebuild the Jerusalem Temple, believed by some scholars to have had Hadrian&rsquos support. The failure of this effort was another great disappointment for the Jewish community of Palestine. Soon after, Hadrian founded a city of his own in Jerusalem called Aelia Capitolina, where he erected a temple to the Greek god Zeus. It is also probable that Hadrian prohibited circumcision even before the Bar Kochba Revolt, although some see the outlawing of circumcision as a measure enacted after the upris­ing had begun, much like the persecutions of Antiochus IV. It was in this context, as well as on the basis of the strong messianic yearnings we have observed already, that some ele­ments in the Jewish population of Palestine began preparing for revolt in the 120&rsquos.


The Roman Destruction and Rebuilding of Jerusalem

For the city of Jerusalem, the First Judean Revolt against Rome culminated in the capture and demolition of the city in 70 AD by general and future emperor Titus Flavius. This was followed by the eventual rebuilding and renaming of the city as Aelia Capitolina by Emperor Hadrian in 130 AD, then a violent response to Romanization of the city by the Bar Kokhba Revolt which lasted from 132-136 AD. In the space of several decades, not only had the city of Jerusalem and the Temple suffered obliteration, but the entire region had been desolated by wars, and the Romans even attempted to erase the memory of the city, the land, and events that had occurred there.

Not long after the Triumphal Entry in 33 AD, Jesus predicted the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, even specifying that not one stone would be left upon another which would not be torn down (Matthew 24:1-2 Mark 13:1-2 Luke 21:5-6). According to multiple historical sources, the Temple was reduced to rubble in 70 AD when the Romans finally breached the city walls after a siege of a few months and destroyed the city, including the entire Temple complex. While the Gospels emphasize the obliteration of the Temple, Jesus also predicted the siege and destruction of the city (Luke 19:41-44, 21:20-24). In these predictions, Jesus specified that armies would surround the city, besiege it, destroy it, that the people of Jerusalem would be killed and led captive, and that Jerusalem would be tread upon by the nations. After more than three years of fighting in Judea, the Romans under the leadership of general Titus Flavius finally surrounded Jerusalem with four legions—V Macedonica, XII Fulminata, XV Apollinaris, and X Fretensis (Meyers and Chancey, From Alexander to Constantine McRay, Archaeology and the New Testament). However, remembering the predictions of Jesus, Christians in Jerusalem fled the city and surrounding area, with most temporarily relocating to Pella during the war (Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History Epiphanius, Panarion and On Weights and Measures). Jerusalem was a city of magnificent defenses, with walls added in phases as the population expanded, and by 44 AD it had three massive walls. The Romans were able to easily breach the two outside walls, but despite infighting the defenders held out behind the last wall for a few months (Tacitus, Histories). Eventually, however, the Romans took the Antonia Fortress and then burned the Temple, which was supposedly accidental. According to Josephus, general Titus had sought to spare the Temple but convert it into a pagan place of worship (Josephus, Wars). About four weeks later, the final holdouts in the upper city had been defeated, and the ruins of Jerusalem were in total Roman control. Archaeological excavations throughout the city have shown the extent to which the city was destroyed and the Temple was annihilated. In fact, the only remains of the Temple seemed to be loose stones and broken pieces of the building pushed off of the side of the mount or littered around the platform, indicating a total demolition of the Temple, just as Jesus had predicted 37 years earlier. Josephus noted that Jerusalem “was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundation, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe Jerusalem had ever been inhabited” (Josephus, Wars). Corinthian capitals were discovered among the ruins on the Jerusalem Temple Mount, as this was the most popular style in the Roman Empire and a favorite of Herod the Great. During his reign, Herod had remodeled and expanded the entire Temple complex, including building a stoa or portico around the complex which used these capitals, but every building on the Temple Mount had been burned and torn down by the Romans (John 10:23). Toppled blocks from the ruins of the Jerusalem Temple complex were also found on the 1st century street below and to the west. In the rubble a stone from one of the towers at the corner of the Temple Mount was found, inscribed in Hebrew and reading “to the place of the trumpeting.” Looted treasures were carried off to Rome as victory plunder, displayed on the Arch of Titus in Rome, including the gold menorah (lampstand). During the fighting, thousands among the defenders of Jerusalem were killed, and after the capture of the city, thousands more became slaves and were spread around the Empire, or if able to escape, fled the region (Josephus, Wars). It has been estimated that about one third of the population of Judaea Province was killed or enslaved as a result of the revolt. The sects of the Essenes and the Sadducees disappeared, but the synagogue and the Pharisees rose to even greater prominence, becoming the future of Judaism. The prophesies that Jesus made—a siege and destruction of Jerusalem by armies surrounding the city, the total annihilation of the temple, the death of many in battle, the fleeing of others, the enslavement and scattering into different parts of the world, and the trampling of Jerusalem by the nations had been fulfilled. Once fighting had ceased, general Titus departed for Rome but left Legion X Fretensis stationed at Jerusalem to defeat any remaining resistance in Judea and keep the area under Roman control. According to a 3 rd century source, the conquering general Titus supposedly refused the victory wreath because he thought there was no merit in vanquishing a people forsaken by their own God (Philostratus, Life of Apollonius).

One of the results of this war was a two drachma tax called the Fiscus Judaicus, instituted by Emperor Vespasian, father of general Titus Flavius, which all practitioners of Judaism throughout the Roman Empire were supposed to pay yearly as a contribution to the Temple of Capitoline Jupiter in Rome (Josephus, Wars Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars Cassius Dio, Roman History). This tax was meant to replace the Jerusalem Temple tax, and was a punishment for rebellion against Rome. However, anyone who abandoned Judaism became exempt from paying the tax. Following the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD, much of the city lay dormant and unoccupied except for Roman camps of the 10th Legion. The city had so thoroughly been destroyed and then left unoccupied that many of the architectural remains, such as basements of buildings, were left in place and simply built over. Stationed in the ruins of Jerusalem, primarily on the west side of the city, the 10 th Legion settled into a military camp after the conquest of the city. Legio X Fretensis, or the 10th Legion of the Strait, was founded by Augustus around 40 BC during the Roman civil war that eventually resulted in the formation of the Empire. The legion was designated 10th in honor of the famous legion of Julius Caesar, and named Fretensis due to its involvement in the battle at the Strait of Messina. Many tiles stamped with the name and number of the legion, and its icons such as the bull, boar, ship, or Neptune have been found where Legion X camped in Jerusalem in the 1 st and 2 nd centuries. Soldiers remained stationed there the next 62 years when the Bar Kokhba Revolt broke out, as also evidenced by a supply account for soldiers in Judea dated to 128 AD (Rylands Papyrus 189). Soon after 70 AD, Christians returned to Jerusalem, and apparently resumed meeting at the “Church of the Apostles” on Mount Zion, near the Roman military camp (Cyril of Jerusalem Epiphanius, Treatise on Weights and Measures Itinerarium Egeriae Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History).

However, after almost 60 years of peace in Judaea Province, a major rebellion surfaced again. The Bar Kokhba revolt seems to have been inflamed by the plans of Emperor Hadrian to include Roman temples in the rebuilding of Jerusalem, and particularly upon the site of the Temple of Yahweh, which was revealed when he visited the city around 130 AD. Originally, Hadrian had intended to rebuilt the Temple of Yahweh, but later deciding that it may foster rebellion against Rome, he opted for an alternative construction project. This plan in particular, the attempt to build a temple to Jupiter where the Temple of Yahweh had been, was probably the catalyst for the uprising (Cassius Dio, Roman History). Bar Kokhba, a false messiah claimant, enlisted as many people as possible to fight a guerilla war against the Romans. Yet, the reasons for Hadrian coming to Jerusalem and rebuilding the city seem to be connected with his mission to defeat Christianity rather than aggravating Judaism or removing the association of Israel and Judah with the renamed land. Earlier in his reign, Hadrian had begun to devise plans to eradicate Christianity from the Roman Empire due to its beliefs and worldview that were completely opposite to the pagan Roman way of thinking, and its rapid spread across the Empire in all social classes over the last several decades. Being a scholar and philosopher in the Greek tradition, Hadrian believed that Christianity could be more effectively eliminated through ideological policies rather than executions. In Athens, around 124 AD, the Emperor held discussions and “negotiations” with Christians, including two scholars named Aristides and Quadratus, hoping to defeat Christianity intellectually and syncretizing the worship of Christ into the Roman pantheon, apparently even offering to place a statue of Christ in Rome (Golan, “Hadrian’s Decision to Supplant Jerusalem by Aelia Capitolina”). However, the Christians rejected this offer of syncretism and modification of Christianity into a part of the Roman religious system. The failure seems to have spurred Hadrian to attempt another strategy, involving the paganization of sites related to Jesus and Christianity. Knowing that Jerusalem had been central to Jesus and Christianity, Hadrian went to the city with this new plan. Rebuilding Jerusalem and founding it as a Roman colony in place of the ruins, Hadrian renamed the city Aelia Capitolina in honor of his family name and the god Jupiter. The province was expanded and renamed Syria Palaestina, supplanting Israel with Philistia. While this act certainly erased historical associations, it also directly challenged Jesus and Christianity by making the very name of the city into a Roman deity and Emperor, attempting to show the supremacy of Rome, its gods, and its Emperor. The city was reconstructed according to typical Roman plan, with a north-south cardo and an east-west decumanus, although many scholars suggest that there were two of each of these main north-south and east-west streets due to the odd topography of the city. The Roman forum was at the center, and this is where the temple of Jupiter ended up being built, alongside a sanctuary to Venus and over the tomb of Jesus (Eusebius, Life of Constantine Jerome, Letter to Paulinus). Other sites in the area which had an association with Jesus which Hadrian had pagan temples and shrines built over include the birthplace of Jesus in Bethlehem, the Pool of Bethesda, and the Pool of Siloam. The originally planned site for the temple of Jupiter, on the Temple Mount and former site of the temple of Yahweh, remained desolate except for a statue of Emperor Hadrian riding a horse. The next Emperor, Antonius Pius, also placed a statue of himself riding a horse on the Temple Mount, and the inscription from the pedestal of this statue can be seen today in a rebuilt section of the southern wall of the Temple Mount. In the 4 th century, the Bordeaux Pilgrim noted two Emperor statues, although he mistakenly thought that both statues were of Hadrian, as they probably looked extremely similar. The walls of Jerusalem were not rebuilt at this time, which was typical for the Roman Empire as they were both unnecessary for defense against foreign enemies because of the legions, and prevented local rebels from forcing the Romans to besiege cities. The 10 th Legion continued to inhabit the city, as evidenced by discoveries such as a ca. 130 AD Latin inscription found in Jerusalem, dedicated by Legion X Fretensis to Emperor Hadrian. In Aelia Capitolina around this time, the Emperor also had coins issued to commemorate the founding of the colony and the building of the main temple. One coin showed an image of Jerusalem being ritually plowed for the new founding, while another coin showed the temple of Jupiter.

Soon after Hadrian left the area, full scale revolt began, and the temple of Jupiter on the Temple Mount was not completed. This revolt further depopulated Judea, with tens of thousands slain and many cities and towns ruined. Cassius Dio even remarked that wolves and hyenas howled in the cities (Cassius Dio, Roman History cf. Isaiah 13:22). Jerusalem itself was apparently besieged again during the reign of Hadrian, perhaps due to a contingent of rebels temporarily taking control of the city (Appian, Syriaca). Roman coins overstruck by the rebels with Hebrew inscriptions and religious iconography such as the temple façade have been found throughout the area, including in Jerusalem, suggesting that the city was occupied by Bar Kokhba and his followers for an unknown amount of time until the Romans besieged the city and took back control (Chancey and Porter, “The Archaeology of Roman Palestine”). Christians did not support either of the revolts in Judea, and Eusebius recorded that many Christians suffered torture and death when they refused to join the Bar Kokhba revolt and attack Roman soldiers (Eusebius, Chronicon Justin Martyr, Second Apology Orosius, History). After over three years of fighting (132-136 AD), the Romans subdued the rebels and their false messiah Simon Bar Kokhba, who was executed along with other leaders of the rebellion. The effect of the rebellion was devastating to Judaism and the entire land of Judea, including the erasure of the ancient names and associations with Israel and Judah, the banning of the Mosaic Law, and the execution of many leaders of Judaism. For Jerusalem in particular, Hadrian completely banned Judaism in the city and barred Judeans from entering Jerusalem except once a year on Tisha B’Av (9 th of the month Av), the day commemorating the destruction of the Temple in 70 AD. From the time of Hadrian, the city remained a place of both pagan and Christian worship until radical changes began in the 4 th century after the legalization of Christianity by Emperor Constantine.


Hadrian Augustus Duval

Hadrian had earned his Pilots Federation license and was working as a trader when he was located by Nova Imperium in late 3304, and the group's original Imperator, Duke Kaeso Mordanticus, called for Emperor Arissa Lavigny-Duval to be removed and replaced by Hadrian. Following the public execution of Mordanticus and a purge of Nova Imperium members ordered by Emperor Arissa in January 3305, Hadrian assumed Mordanticus's mantle as Imperator and continued to lead Nova Imperium in exile in the Paresa system.

In the wake of an attempt on his life by the Neo-Marlinist Liberation Army in October 3306, Hadrian heeded Princess Aisling Duval's advice and sought to reconcile with the Emperor. While Hadrian was denied the title of prince and any formal position within the Imperial Family, he was recognized as a Duval by blood, and he and his followers were granted royal pardons in exchange for cooperation against the NMLA and acknowledgment of Emperor Arissa's rule.

On April 26, 3307, Imperator Hadrian was identified as the leader of the NMLA in a leaked statement made by Landgrave Arastin Delacroix of the Neo-Marlinist Order of Mudhrid to the Affiliated Counter-Terrorism unit. Although ACT had not verified this claim and Imperator Hadrian denied it, the League of Mandu, a Federal-aligned faction, unilaterally invaded Paresa to take revenge against Hadrian and Nova Imperium for the NMLA's terror campaign. Nova Imperium fended them off with assistance from the galactic community, preventing a potential international crisis that would have been triggered if Hadrian, an acknowledged member of the Empire's royal family, had been killed by Federal forces. On May 21, ACT confirmed that the allegations against Imperator Hadrian could not be proven and the NMLA had very likely falsified his identity.


Modern Age

After the 12-issue limited series Crisis on Infinite Earths, DC Comics rebooted the histories of some major characters in an attempt at updating them for contemporary audiences. Frank Miller retold Batman's origin in the storyline Year One from Batman #404-407, which emphasizes a grittier tone in the character. Though the Earth-Two Batman is erased from history, many stories of Batman's Silver Age/Earth-One career (along with an amount of Golden Age ones) remain canonical in the post-Crisis universe, with his origins remaining the same in essence, despite alteration. For example, Gotham's police are mostly corrupt, setting up further need for Batman's existence. While Dick Grayson's past remains much the same, the history of Jason Todd, the second Robin, is altered, turning the boy into the orphan son of a petty crook, who tries to steal the tires from the Batmobile. Also removed is the guardian Phillip Wayne, leaving young Bruce to be raised by Alfred. Additionally, Batman is no longer a founding member of the Justice League of America, although he becomes leader for a short time of a new incarnation of the team launched in 1987. To help fill in the revised backstory for Batman following Crisis, DC launched a new Batman title called Legends of the Dark Knight in 1989 and has published various miniseries and one-shot stories since then that largely take place during the "Year One" period. Various stories from Jeph Loeb and Matt Wagner also touch upon this era.

In 1988's "Batman: A Death in the Family" storyline from Batman #426-429 Jason Todd, the second Robin, is killed by the Joker. Subsequently Batman takes an even darker, often excessive approach to his crimefighting. Batman works solo until the decade's close, when Tim Drake becomes the new Robin. In 2005 writers resurrected the Jason Todd character and have pitted him against his former mentor.

Many of the major Batman storylines since the 1990s have been inter-title crossovers that run for a number of issues. In 1993, the same year that DC published the "Death of Superman" storyline, the publisher released the "Knightfall" storyline. In the storyline's first phase, the new villain Bane paralyzes Batman, leading Wayne to ask Azrael to take on the role. After the end of "Knightfall", the storylines split in two directions, following both the Azrael-Batman's adventures, and Bruce Wayne's quest to become Batman once more. The story arcs realign in "KnightsEnd", as Azrael becomes increasingly violent and is defeated by a healed Bruce Wayne. Wayne hands the Batman mantle to Dick Grayson (then Nightwing) for an interim period, while Wayne trains to return to his role as Batman.

1994's company-wide crossover Zero Hour changes aspects of DC continuity again, including those of Batman. Noteworthy among these changes is that the general populace and the criminal element now considers Batman an urban legend rather than a known force. Similarly, the Waynes' killer is never caught or identified, effectively removing Joe Chill from the new continuity, rendering stories such as "Year Two" non-canon.

Batman once again becomes a member of the Justice League during Grant Morrison's 1996 relaunch of the series, titled JLA. While Batman contributes greatly to many of the team's successes, the Justice League is largely uninvolved as Batman and Gotham City face catastrophe in the decade's closing crossover arc. In 1998's "Cataclysm" storyline, Gotham City is devastated by an earthquake. Deprived of many of his technological resources, Batman fights to reclaim the city from legions of gangs during 1999's "No Man's Land." While Lex Luthor rebuilds Gotham at the end of the "No Man's Land" storyline, he then frames Bruce Wayne for murder in the "Bruce Wayne: Murderer?" and "Bruce Wayne: Fugitive" story arcs Wayne is eventually acquitted.

DC's 2005 limited series Identity Crisis, reveals that JLA member Zatanna had edited Batman's memories, leading to his deep loss of trust in the rest of the superhero community. Batman later creates the Brother I satellite surveillance system to watch over the other heroes. Its eventual co-opting by Maxwell Lord is one of the main events that leads to the Infinite Crisis miniseries, which again restructures DC continuity. In Infinite Crisis #7, Alexander Luthor, Jr. mentions that in the newly-rewritten history of the "New Earth", created in the previous issue, the murderer of Martha and Thomas Wayne - again, Joe Chill - was captured, thus undoing the retcon created after Zero Hour. Batman and a team of superheroes destroy Brother Eye and the OMACs. Following Infinite Crisis, Bruce Wayne, Dick Grayson, and Tim Drake retrace the steps Bruce had taken when he originally left Gotham City, to "rebuild Batman". In the "Face the Face" storyline, Batman and Robin return to Gotham City after their year-long absence. At the end of the story arc, Bruce adopts Tim as his son. The follow-up story arc in Batman, "Batman & Son", introduces Damian Wayne, who is Batman's son with Talia al Ghul. Batman, along with Superman and Wonder Woman, reforms the Justice League in the new Justice League of America series, and is leading the newest incarnation of the Outsiders.


Watch the video: Βασίλης Παπαδάκης: Ο παιδικός καρκίνος είναι ένα σπάνιο νόσημα. Familiar 2592021. OPEN TV (August 2022).