History of Carib AK - History

History of Carib AK - History

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Carib I
An Indian of the most important of the Cariban tribes inhabiting South and Central America.

(AK: dp. 3,800; 1. 251'; b. 43'fi"; dr. 18'3”; a. 1 5", 1 3")

The first Carib (No. 1765, a cargo ship, was built in 1916 by Detroit Shipbuilding Co., Detroit, Mich.; converted by Norfolk Shipbuilding and Dry Dock Co., Norfolk, VA.; commissioned 27 December 19l7, Lieutenant Commander A. Clifford, USNRF, in command: and reported to the Naval Overseas Transportation Service.

Between 29 January and 16 April 1918, Carib made three voyages between Hampton Roads VA., and Halifax, Nova Scotia, carrying coal for United States ships performing convoy duty in the western Atlantic. She sailed in convoy from New York 10 May, loaded with general cargo and petroleum products. After discharging her cargo at Gibraltar, Bizerte, Malta, and Corfu, Carib returned to Hampton Roads 20 August.

Clearing Hampton Roads 6 September 1918 with a cargo of mines and general supplies for the force engaged in laying the North Sea Mine Barrage, Carib arrived in Corpach, Scotland, 28 September. She returned to Hampton Roads 31 October, was transferred to Army account, and until 5 January 1919 carried cargo for the Army of Occupation to Nantes France. She was decommissioned and returned to her former owner at Hoboken, N.J., on 27 January 1919.

History of rice cultivation

The history of rice cultivation is a long and complicated one. The current scientific consensus, based on archaeological and linguistic evidence, is that Oryza sativa rice was first domesticated in the Yangtze River basin in China 13,500 to 8,200 years ago. [1] [2] [3] [4] From that first cultivation, migration and trade spread rice around the world - first to much of east Asia, and then further abroad, and eventually to the Americas as part of the Columbian exchange. The now less common Oryza glaberrima rice was independently domesticated in Africa 3,000 to 3,500 years ago. [5] Other wild rices have also been cultivated in different geographies, such as in the Americas.

Since its spread, rice has become a global staple crop important to food security and food cultures around the world. Local varieties of Oryza sativa have resulted in over 40,000 cultivars of various types. More recent changes in agricultural practices and breeding methods as part of the Green Revolution and other transfers of agricultural technologies has led to increased production in recent decades, with emergence of new types such as golden rice, which was genetically engineered to contain beta carotene.

History of Caribbean Education

THE COMMONWEALTH CARIBBEAN/BRITISH CARIBBEAN is the term applied to the English- speaking islands in the Carribbean and the mainland nations of Belize (formerly British Honduras) and Guyana (formerly British Guiana) that once constituted the Caribbean portion of the British Empire. This volume examines only the islands of the Commonwealth Caribbean, which are Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, the Windward Islands (Dominica, St. Lucia, St.

Vincent and the Grenadines, and Grenada), Barbados, the Leeward Islands (Antigua and Barbuda, St. Christopher [hereafter, St. Kitts] and Nevis, the British Virgin Islands, Anguilla, and Montserrat), and the so-called Northern Islands (the Bahamas, the Cayman Islands, and the Turks and Caicos Islands). Education was the great social elevator of the British Caribbean masses. From the middle of the nineteenth century, public education, expanded rapidly.

A primary education combined with some knowledge of languages was useful in commercial concerns because most of the British Caribbean states conducted much of their commerce with neighboring Spanish-speaking countries. A secondary education was helpful in getting into the lower ranks of the bureaucracy and essential for entering the professions. A system of scholarships enabled lower-class children with ability to move into secondary schools and into the professions.

The number was never large, but the stream was constant, and the competition for scholarships was fierce. Studying for these scholarships was more than an individual effort–it was a family enterprise. Moreover, by the early decades of the twentieth century, this process of academic selection and rigorous preparation for the British examinations–uniform for both British and colonial students–was controlled by predominantly black schoolmasters, the foundation of the emerging “certificated masses. Before the middle of the nineteenth century, education throughout the British Caribbean consisted of three types: education abroad on private initiative education in the islands in exclusive schools designed for local whites lacking the resources for a foreign education and education for the academically able of the intermediate group of nonwhites. The wealthy planters generally sent their children abroad, mainly to Britain, but a surprisingly large number went to study in British North America. As early as 1720, Judah Morris, a Jew born in Jamaica, was a lecturer in Hebrew at Harvard College.

Alexander Hamilton, born in Nevis in 1755, attended King’s College (later Columbia University), where his political tracts attracted the attention of George Washington. Other students attended such colleges as the College of William and Mary in Virginia and the College of Philadelphia. Indigent whites attended local grammar schools founded by charitable bequests in the eighteenth century, such as Codrington College and Harrison College in Barbados and Wolmer’s, Rusea’s, Beckford and Smith’s, and Manning’s schools in Jamaica.

Slaves and their offspring were given little more than religious instruction. Indeed, in 1797 a law in Barbados made it illegal to teach reading and writing to slaves. In the early nineteenth century, the endowment from the Mico Trust–originally established in 1670 to redeem Christian slaves in the Barbary States of North Africa–opened a series of schools for blacks and free nonwhite pupils throughout the Caribbean and three teachertraining colleges–Mico in Antigua and Jamaica and Codrington in Barbados.

After 1870 there was a mini-revolution in public education throughout the Caribbean. This coincided with the establishment of free compulsory public elementary education in Britain and in individual states of the United States. A system of free public primary education and limited secondary education became generally available in every territory, and an organized system of teacher training and examinations was established.

Nevertheless, the main thrust of public education in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries did not come from the local government, but rather, from the religious community. Competing Protestant denominations–the Church of England, the Baptists, the Moravians, the Wesleyans, and the Presbyterians–and the Jesuits operated a vast system of elementary and secondary schools. At the end of the nineteenth century, the churches monopolized elementary education in Jamaica and Barbados and ran a majority of the primary schools in Trinidad, Grenada, and Antigua.

The most outstanding secondary schools–St. George’s College, Kingston College, Jamaica College, Calabar High School, and the York Castle High School in Jamaica Harrison College, Codrington College, the Lodge School, and the Queens College in Barbados and Queen’s College, St. Mary’s, and Naparima in Trinidad–as well as the principal grammar schools in the Bahamas, Antigua, St. Kitts, and Grenada owe their origins to the religious denominations. Each territory had a board of education, which supervised both government nd religious schools. Government assistance slowly increased until by the middle of the twentieth century the state eventually gained control over all forms of education. Although far from perfect–most colonies still spent more on prisons than on schools–public education fired the ambitions of the urban poor. Based on the British system–even to the use of British textbooks and examinations–the colonial Caribbean educational system was never modified to local circumstances.

Nevertheless, it created a cadre of leaders throughout the region whose strong sense of local identity and acute knowledge of British political institutions served the region well in the twentieth century. ? Social and Economic Obstacles A family’s socioeconomic status is based on family income, parental education level, parental occupation, and social status in the community (such as contacts within the community, group associations, and the community’s perception of the family), note Demarest, Reisner, Anderson, Humphrey, Farquhar, and Stein (1993).

Families with high socioeconomic status often have more success in preparing their young children for school because they typically have access to a wide range of resources to promote and support young children’s development. They are able to provide their young children with high-quality child care, books, and toys to encourage children in various learning activities at home. Also, they have easy access to information regarding their children’s health, as well as social, emotional, and cognitive development.

In addition, families with high socioeconomic status often seek out information to help them better prepare their young children for school. Crnic and Lamberty (1994) discuss the impact of socioeconomic status on children’s readiness for school: “The segregating nature of social class, ethnicity, and race may well reduce the variety of enriching experiences thought to be prerequisite for creating readiness to learn among children.

Social class, ethnicity, and race entail a set of ‘contextual givens’ that dictate neighborhood, housing, and access to resources that affect enrichment or deprivation as well as the acquisition of specific value systems. ” Ramey and Ramey (1994) describe the relationship of family socioeconomic status to children’s readiness for school: “Across all socioeconomic groups, parents face major challenges when it comes to providing optimal care and education for their children. For families in poverty, these challenges can be formidable.

Sometimes, when basic necessities are lacking, parents must place top priority on housing, food, clothing, and health care. Educational toys, games, and books may appear to be luxuries, and parents may not have the time, energy, or knowledge to find innovative and less-expensive ways to foster young children’s development. Even in families with above-average incomes, parents often lack the time and energy to invest fully in their children’s preparation for school, and they sometimes face a limited array of options for high-quality child care–both before their children start school and during the early school years.

Kindergarten teachers throughout the country report that children are increasingly arriving at school inadequately prepared. ” (p. 195) Families with low socioeconomic status often lack the financial, social, and educational supports that characterize families with high socioeconomic status. Poor families also may have inadequate or limited access to community resources that promote and support children’s development and school readiness. Parents may have inadequate skills for such activities as reading to and with their children, and they may lack information about childhood immunizations and nutrition.

Zill, Collins, West, and Hausken (1995) state that “low maternal education and minority-language status are most consistently associated with fewer signs of emerging literacy and a greater number of difficulties in preschoolers. ” Having inadequate resources and limited access to available resources can negatively affect families’ decisions regarding their young children’s development and learning. As a result, children from families with low socioeconomic status are at greater risk of entering kindergarten unprepared than their peers from families with median or high socioeconomic status.

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The Garifuna Diaspora Celebrates 223 Years of its Cuisine

Many dishes comprise the world of Garifuna cuisine, but hudutu, a velvety ball of mashed plantain that’s served with soups and stews, is probably its signature. Called hudutu baruru when made with both green and ripe plantains, it has a soft, dense texture, and sometimes a subtle sweetness. It might be served with takini—a stew of cabbage, warm spices, and king fish—or falmo, a seafood broth enriched with coconut milk and flavored with black pepper, garlic, and onions. But no matter how it’s served, it’s the dish closest to Yolanda Castillo's heart.

The head chef and co-owner of Chicago’s Garifuna Flava, Castillo developed a love for cuisine at an early age. It was in her native country of Belize that she learned the secrets to making hudutu, falmo, and takini—among other dishes. Those recipes were some of the mementos she brought with her when she moved to the US. "My mom would teach me and guide me she showed me the traditional way of cooking our Garifuna cuisine," she says. (The business has survived through Chicago’s COVID-19 shutdown by offering delivery it’s raising funds via GoFundMe to support staff.) Today, Castillo is one of several Garinagu—plural for Garifuna—keeping the culture alive, not only by maintaining and celebrating the traditions of their cuisine, but by sharing that cuisine with a wider audience.

The Garifuna origin story is a complex one that involves attempts to enslave, imprison, exile, and displace the Afro-Indigenous community. Though the exact year has been debated, historians believe West Africans escaped slave ships that wrecked off the coast of St. Vincent and the Grenadines in the 1600s. While residing in St. Vincent, these West Africans and their descendants mixed with the Caribbean island’s Arawak and Carib populations, forming the community now known as Black Carib, or Garifuna in the Arawakan language. After a treaty passed control of St. Vincent from France to Britain in 1763, the already active Black Carib resistance to colonial powers intensified. Fighting continued for years. Ultimately, 5,000 Garinagu were exiled to Roatán, the largest of the Honduras’ Bay Islands, on April 12, 1797. The roughly 2,000 that survived the journey eventually migrated to mainland Honduras, Belize, Guatemala, and Nicaragua.

Forced migration influenced Garifuna culture in many ways. In hudutu, you see the influence from West African fufu, a ball of mashed cassava and green plantain. Though Africans knew cassava (or yuca), they learned how to grate and dry it from Indigenous communities in the Caribbean. The Garinagu eventually adapted that process to make a crisp, cracker-thin bread called ereba or casabe. (Similar recipes can be found in the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Jamaica, among other locales.)

Today, Garinagu claim a unique history that places their identity at the intersection of West and Central African, Indigenous, and Caribbean traditions, which is then layered with local and national cultures along Central America’s Caribbean coast. The Garifuna diaspora also has a foothold in the United States, especially in Chicago, Los Angeles, New Orleans, Houston, and New York City, the latter of which is home to the largest Garifuna population outside of Central America. Though its history isn’t widely known, Garifuna influence crosses cultures and transcends borders.

After migrating from Belize to Chicago in the mid-1980s with her husband, Castillo stayed true to her roots, gathering family members around her table for lavish meals. Not a single visit occurred without someone complimenting Castillo on her ability to put a modern spin on her mother’s traditional Garifuna recipes.

"My husband would always say, ‘One of these days, I'm going to open a restaurant for her,’" Castillo says, with a laugh. A few years later, Rhodel Castillo made good on his promise.

In 2008, the couple’s restaurant, Garifuna Flava, opened its doors on Chicago’s southwest side. In addition to Garifuna cuisine, Garifuna Flava serves up Belizean staples like rice and beans, stewed chicken, garnaches—a deep-fried corn tortilla topped with refried beans, onions, cabbage, grated cheese, and other toppings—and panades, a deep-fried, cornflour patty filled with fish or refried beans, and served with a condiment made from cabbage, peppers, and onions. In 2011, Guy Fieri pulled up with his Diners, Drive-Ins & Dives crew to invite Garifuna Flava to Flavortown. The exposure attracted many new fans, some of them coming from outside the US.

"I have a map on the wall in the restaurant. It's amazing to see how many people from around the world have been here to taste our Garifuna food," she says. There are markings for visitors from South America, Canada, and across Europe.

"Garifuna food, in particular, tells us a Caribbean story and a Central American story," says Pablo Joseph López Oro, a doctoral candidate in the Department of African and African Studies at The University of Texas at Austin. "It gives us an opportunity to really think about the generational history of Garifuna migration."

López Oro, whose work focuses on later generations of Garifuna immigrants, has vivid memories of his grandmother’s pan de coco (coconut bread). When he’d wake up on weekends to his mother frying fish and preparing stew, he knew that meant family members were on their way over for hudutu and good conversation. "Garifuna food is incredibly valuable to my memories, even my own identity as a third-generation, born-and-raised-in-Brooklyn, Garifuna person. Food connected us back to Honduras in a way that was really special."

When she was growing up in San Juan Tela, Honduras, Isha Gutierrez-Sumner, a Garifuna actress and dancer, recalls feeling embarrassed about her daily diet, which differed from what the local mestizos were eating regularly. "Eating Garifuna food in the village, it wasn't a glamorous time," she says. "It wasn't a source of pride."

At 15, Gutierrez-Sumner migrated to Houston, and later moved to New York for a career in dance and acting. When she ventured out to neighborhood restaurants to try new cuisines, her interest in her personal history piqued when she noticed similarities between Garifuna cuisine and dishes from other coastal communities.

Nostalgia for her homeland and a desire to see Garifuna cuisine elevated and celebrated led Gutierrez-Sumner to launch a Garifuna food platform and catering company. She’s spent the last five years traveling to and from Honduras, consulting with elders and documenting their recipes for a forthcoming cookbook titled Weiga, Let’s Eat! Photographers Milton and Wes Güity joined her to capture dishes and step-by-step techniques in stunning images. (Now that the book is complete, she’s weighing her options between traditional publishing and self-publishing.) Recipes cover a lot of ground and include Garifuna fried fish, a variety of coconut-based breads, and sweets like peteta, a sweet potato pudding, and dabledu, a candied cookie flavored with coconut and ginger. Coconut is used in many Garifuna dishes, enriching everything from broths to rice and beans to desserts.

"Nothing ever goes to waste," notes Gutierrez-Sumner, of the community’s ingenuity and agricultural knowledge. She recalls how her great-great-grandmother taught generations of her family how to be efficient with ingredients. "She was savvy. She knew that if she grated the coconut and she squeezed the first milk out of the coconut without adding water, that was going to be her butter," shares Gutierrez-Sumner. "She knew that once she added water, the water that she added at first was literally the water that came out of the coconut, so she squeezed that into another pot. that's going to be the second milk that she uses for baking. And then the third [pressing] is where she adds warm water to make sure that all the oils from the coconut are coming out. Then she'd have three buckets of milk"—all of which would end up in meals and sweets.

These days, some Garinagu use canned coconut milk in their home recipes, because for a cuisine to survive, the diaspora must adapt. Though hudutu is traditionally a very labor-intensive process, involving the use of a large mortar and pestle to pound the plantains into a textured mass, Castillo uses a food processor to speed things up. The more hudutu she’s able to make, the more she’s able to sell—increasing the likelihood of introducing the cuisine to a wider, ever-hungry audience.

"I think people are really committed to making hudutu a household name," says López Oro, referring to the dish and the urgency many Garinagu feel about preserving their history, in part, through their cuisine’s most famous dish.

"We just celebrated 223 years of the preservation of Garifuna food," says Gutierrez-Sumner, of the April 12 anniversary. "It has not gone anywhere. It's not going to go anywhere. And we need to continue to preserve it and share it with others, because it's a beautiful part of our culture."

Framing the Exhibition

As the Taíno movement grows in numbers, complexity and public presence, it seemed like a disservice to do another Caribbean archeology exhibition without addressing the contemporary movement.

This contemporary experience gets to the very origin story of the region and the whole of the Americas. Many outside the movement observe it with mixed emotions the traditional history of the region makes the movement seem impossible, and yet every family seems to have a india/o in the family just a few generations back.

Furthermore, the heritage of the whole Caribbean is contested at several levels some fear that embracing a contemporary sense of Taíno diminishes the contributions of African ancestors to national culture or personal identity.

It is truly a contested heritage, and yet many Latinos of mixed racial/ethnic ancestry (i.e. most of us) are interested in their ancestral cultures as part of an effort to reconcile the violence of colonization. Contextualizing the Taíno movement in a way that respected the experiences and understanding of its diverse participants, and that created a space for all visitors to reconsider the meanings of ancestry and the relevance of indigenous knowledge in the present, became the central focus of this exhibition.

What are the exhibition’s limitations? We contextualize the Taíno movement as emerging primarily from bottom up, representing a claim to indigenous identity rooted in a campesino, or rural, Native-mestizo experience and consciousness. But little space is left in the exhibition to explore the use of Native legacy in nation building projects by Caribbean intellectuals and institutions, and the influence of symbolic Indians (emblems of colonial injustice and anti-colonial resistance, or symbols of the nation) on the world view and political agenda of participants in the Taíno movement.

We possibly under-emphasize the power of spirituality as a key force spurring the growth of the Taíno movement. For many of its participants, the Taíno movement offers a spiritually rewarding opportunity to reconnect with and honor neglected ancestors, forces from the natural world and supernatural beings or ancestral deities. For Caribbean peoples working with Native spirits, Native ancestors and spirit guides provide advice and warnings, and can be indispensable for healing or solving problems. A growing strand within the Taíno movement is also trying to reconstruct the religion of the Arawak-speaking people prior to Christianization.

This project of spiritual reconstruction involves studying historical texts and comparative ethnographic studies of historic and contemporary Native peoples related to the Taíno peoples of the Caribbean. It also involves revelations through dreams and encounters with nature—phenomena called alternative ways of knowing that are difficult for most scholars to analyze. How could an exhibition effectively convey the spiritual dimensions of ethnicity and history, and the spiritual weight of ancestors on the present?

Lastly, initial plans for the exhibition entailed a geographic scope that brought the Spanish-speaking Greater Antilles into conversation with other areas of the Caribbean such as Jamaica, Haiti, the Lesser Antilles and areas of the continent like the Garifuna-populated coast of Central America about important and different indigenous legacies. The size of our gallery, and our desire to tell a comprehensible story, necessitated a tightened geographic and cultural scope.

The exhibition, however, is groundbreaking in its treatment of the contemporary Taíno movement. First, its point of departure is Native survival on the Greater Antilles, which we substantiate with the enduring (though not unchanged) presence of Native genes, culture, knowledge and identity among the descendants of the Taíno peoples of the region. Second, it respects and dialogues with the concepts of indigeneity, heritage and identity that are articulated by the participants in the Taíno movement. It also points out the gaps and privileges that exist in the historical archive of the Spanish Caribbean while most Caribbean peoples lived in a rural context before 1950, the social history of the countryside, often lacking preserved archives and material culture, becomes an area of (intermittent) study only in the 20th century. The history of the region until then is largely an account of early conquest and settlement, pirate attacks, the movement of Spanish fleets, fortress construction and the activities of the Church.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the exhibition offers a more historically accurate understanding of mestizaje that makes the legacy and relationship between African and indigenous peoples more explicit, from the maroon communities of the early colonial period to the contemporary healers of the region’s different spiritual traditions.

I feel profoundly fortunate to have been part of a project that is grounded in the intersection of race, history and identity in the Americas. It is embedded in questions of ancestry, multiple identities and ethnic politics that relate to universal quandaries around heritage and framing history. “Taíno: Native Heritage and Identity in the Caribbean” will create new paradigms for understanding Native heritage in the construction of Caribbean identities, and the role of Native people and their knowledge in the survival, history, spirituality and culture of the region’s diverse peoples.

A version of this article originally appeared in the winter 2017 issue of the magazine of the National Museum of the American Indian.

About Ranald Woodaman

Ranald Woodaman is the Exhibitions and Public Programs Director at the Smithsonian Latino Center. He has a strong interest in constructions of ancestral heritage and history in Latino communities. He started at the Smithsonian in 2004 as a fellow in the Latino Museum Studies Program and a curatorial assistant for the exhibition “¡Azúcar! The Life and Music of Celia Cruz.”

History of Carib AK - History

The Association of Caribbean Historians (ACH) is an independent, non-profit, professional organization devoted to the promotion of Caribbean history from a multidisciplinary, pan-Caribbean perspective, and is the primary association for scholarly and public historians working in the field. Initially formed from a 1969 colloquium under the leadership of Francophone scholar Jacques Adélaïde-Merlande. In 1973, the ACH was formed. Since then, the organization has grown to several hundred members around the globe.

Its principal activity is an annual conference, which is alternately hosted by an English, Spanish, French, or Dutch-speaking Caribbean nation. To encourage intellectual exchange, all attendees attend each conference session and all papers and discussion sessions are simultaneously translated in English, Spanish and French.

The ACH membership includes students, graduate students, faculty, staff of public and government institutions, and independent or retired researchers. While it began under the auspices of history, it now frequently hosts papers and panels on Caribbean literature, art, theatre, archeology, material culture, and identity.

ACH members have played leading roles in the Caribbean, most notably in public service and in academia. These include current and past service as leaders of government, national, regional, and international organizations. Many current members serve in senior positions at Caribbean, North American, and European universities. We hope you will join us.


The archipelago was called Karukera (or "The Island of Beautiful Waters") by the native Arawak people. [2]

Christopher Columbus named the island Santa María de Guadalupe in 1493 after the Our Lady of Guadalupe, a shrine to the Virgin Mary venerated in the Spanish town of Guadalupe, Extremadura. [2] Upon becoming a French colony, the Spanish name was retained though altered to French orthography and phonology. The islands are locally known as Gwada. [4]

Pre-colonial era Edit

The islands were first populated by indigenous peoples of the Americas, possibly as far back as 3000 BC. [5] [6] [7] The Arawak people are the first identifiable group, but they were later displaced circa 1400 AD by Kalina-Carib peoples. [2]

15th–17th centuries Edit

Christopher Columbus was the first European to see Guadeloupe, landing in November 1493 and giving it its current name. [2] Several attempts at colonisation by the Spanish in the 16th century failed due to attacks from the native peoples. [2] In 1626, the French under Pierre Belain d'Esnambuc began to take an interest in Guadeloupe, expelling Spanish settlers. [2] The Compagnie des Îles de l'Amérique settled in Guadeloupe in 1635, under the direction of Charles Liénard de L'Olive and Jean du Plessis d'Ossonville they formally took possession of the island for France and brought in French farmers to colonise the land. This led to the death of many indigenous people by disease and violence. [8] By 1640, however, the Compagnie des Îles de l'Amérique had gone bankrupt, and they thus sold Guadeloupe to Charles Houël du Petit Pré who began plantation agriculture, with the first African slaves arriving in 1650. [9] [10] Slave resistance was immediately widespread, with an open uprising in 1656 lasting several weeks and a simultaneous spate of mass desertions that lasted at least two years until the French compelled indigenous peoples to stop assisting them. [11] Ownership of the island passed to the French West India Company before it was annexed to France in 1674 under the tutelage of their Martinique colony. [2] Institutionalised slavery, enforced by the Code Noir from 1685, led to a booming sugar plantation economy. [12]

18th–19th centuries Edit

During the Seven Years' War, the British captured and occupied the islands until the 1763 Treaty of Paris. [2] During that time, Pointe-à-Pitre became a major harbour, and markets in Britain's North American colonies were opened to Guadeloupean sugar, which was traded for foodstuffs and timber. The economy expanded quickly, creating vast wealth for the French colonists. [13] So prosperous was Guadeloupe at the time that, under the 1763 Treaty of Paris, France forfeited its Canadian colonies in exchange for the return of Guadeloupe. [9] [14] Coffee planting began in the late 1720s, [15] also worked by slaves and, by 1775, cocoa had become a major export product as well. [9]

The French Revolution brought chaos to Guadeloupe. Under new revolutionary law, free people of colour were entitled to equal rights. Taking advantage of the chaotic political situation, Britain invaded Guadeloupe in 1794. The French responded by sending an expeditionary force led by Victor Hugues, who retook the islands and abolished slavery. [2] More than 1,000 French colonists were killed in the aftermath. [13]

In 1802, the First French Empire reinstated the pre-revolutionary government and slavery, prompting a slave rebellion led by Louis Delgrès. [2] The French authorities responded quickly, culminating in the Battle of Matouba on 28 May 1802. Realising they had no chance of success, Delgrès and his followers committed mass suicide by deliberately exploding their gunpowder stores. [16] [17] In 1810, the British captured the island again, handing it over to Sweden under the 1813 Treaty of Stockholm. [18]

In the 1814 Treaty of Paris, Sweden ceded Guadeloupe to France, giving rise to the Guadeloupe Fund. In 1815, the Treaty of Vienna acknowledged French control of Guadeloupe. [2] [9]

Slavery was abolished in the French Empire in 1848. [2] After 1854, indentured labourers from the French colony of Pondicherry in India were brought in. [ citation needed ] Emancipated slaves had the vote from 1849, but French nationality and the vote were not granted to Indian citizens until 1923, when a long campaign, led by Henry Sidambarom, finally achieved success. [19]

20th–21st centuries Edit

In 1936, Félix Éboué became the first black governor of Guadeloupe. [20] During the Second World War Guadeloupe initially came under the control of the Vichy government, later joining Free France in 1943. [2] In 1946, the colony of Guadeloupe became an overseas department of France. [2]

Tensions arose in the post-war era over the social structure of Guadeloupe and its relationship with mainland France. The 'Massacre of St Valentine' occurred in 1952, when striking factory workers in Le Moule were shot at by the Compagnies républicaines de sécurité, resulting in four deaths. [21] [22] [23] In May 1967 racial tensions exploded into rioting following a racist attack on a black Guadeloupean, resulting in eight deaths. [24] [25] [26]

An independence movement grew in the 1970s, prompting France to declare Guadeloupe a French region in 1974. [2] The Union populaire pour la libération de la Guadeloupe (UPLG) campaigned for complete independence, and by the 1980s the situation had turned violent with the actions of groups such as Groupe de libération armée (GLA) and Alliance révolutionnaire caraïbe (ARC).

Greater autonomy was granted to Guadeloupe in 2000. [2] Through a referendum in 2003, Saint-Martin and Saint Barthélemy voted to separate from the administrative jurisdiction of Guadeloupe, this being fully enacted by 2007. [2]

In January 2009, labour unions and others known as the Liyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon went on strike for more pay. [27] Strikers were angry with low wages, the high cost of living, high levels of poverty relative to mainland France and levels of unemployment that are amongst the worst in the European Union. [28] The situation quickly escalated, exacerbated by what was seen as an ineffectual response by the French government, turning violent and prompting the deployment of extra police after a union leader (Jacques Bino) was shot and killed. [29] The strike lasted 44 days and had also inspired similar actions on nearby Martinique. President Nicolas Sarkozy later visited the island, promising reform. [30] Tourism suffered greatly during this time and affected the 2010 tourist season as well.

Guadeloupe is an archipelago of more than 12 islands, as well as islets and rocks situated where the northeastern Caribbean Sea meets the western Atlantic Ocean. [2] It is located in the Leeward Islands in the northern part of the Lesser Antilles, a partly volcanic island arc. To the north lie Antigua and Barbuda and the British Overseas Territory of Montserrat, with Dominica lying to the south.

The two main islands are Basse-Terre (west) and Grande-Terre (east), which form a butterfly shape as viewed from above, the two 'wings' of which are separated by the Grand Cul-de-Sac Marin, Rivière Salée and Petit Cul-de-Sac Marin. More than half of Guadeloupe's land surface consists of the 847.8 km 2 Basse-Terre. [31] The island is mountainous, containing such peaks as Mount Sans Toucher (4,442 feet 1,354 metres) and Grande Découverte (4,143 feet 1,263 metres), culminating in the active volcano La Grande Soufrière, the highest mountain peak in the Lesser Antilles with an elevation of 1,467 metres (4,813 ft). [2] [3] In contrast Grande-Terre is mostly flat, with rocky coasts to the north, irregular hills at the centre, mangrove at the southwest, and white sand beaches sheltered by coral reefs along the southern shore. [3] This is where the main tourist resorts are found. [32]

Marie-Galante is the third-largest island, followed by La Désirade, a north-east slanted limestone plateau, the highest point of which is 275 metres (902 ft). To the south lies the Îles de Petite-Terre, which are two islands (Terre de Haut and Terre de Bas) totalling 2 km 2 . [32]

Les Saintes is an archipelago of eight islands of which two, Terre-de-Bas and Terre-de-Haut are inhabited. The landscape is similar to that of Basse-Terre, with volcanic hills and irregular shoreline with deep bays.

Geology Edit

Basse-Terre is a volcanic island. [33] The Lesser Antilles are at the outer edge of the Caribbean Plate, and Guadeloupe is part of the outer arc of the Lesser Antilles Volcanic Arc. Many of the islands were formed as a result of the subduction of oceanic crust of the Atlantic Plate under the Caribbean Plate in the Lesser Antilles subduction zone. This process is ongoing and is responsible for volcanic and earthquake activity in the region. Guadeloupe was formed from multiple volcanoes, of which only La Grande Soufrière is not extinct. [34] Its last eruption was in 1976, and led to the evacuation of the southern part of Basse-Terre. 73,600 people were displaced over a course of three and a half months following the eruption.

K–Ar dating indicates that the three northern massifs on Basse-Terre Island are 2.79 million years old. Sections of volcanoes collapsed and eroded within the last 650,000 years, after which the Sans Toucher volcano grew in the collapsed area. Volcanoes in the north of Basse-Terre Island mainly produced andesite and basaltic andesite. [35] There are several beaches of dark or "black" sand. [32]

La Désirade, east of the main islands has a basement from the Mesozoic, overlaid with thick limestones from the Pliocene to Quaternary periods. [36]

Grande-Terre and Marie-Galante have basements probably composed of volcanic units of Eocene to Oligocene, but there are no visible outcrops. On Grande-Terre, the overlying carbonate platform is 120 metres thick. [36]

Climate Edit

The islands are part of the Leeward Islands, so called because they are downwind of the prevailing trade winds, which blow out of the northeast. [2] [3] This was significant in the days of sailing ships. Grande-Terre is so named because it is on the eastern, or windward side, exposed to the Atlantic winds. Basse-Terre is so named because it is on the leeward south-west side and sheltered from the winds. Guadeloupe has a tropical climate tempered by maritime influences and the Trade Winds. There are two seasons, the dry season called "Lent" from January to June, and the wet season called "winter", from July to December. [2]

Climate data for Guadeloupe
Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year
Average high °C (°F) 29.1
Daily mean °C (°F) 24.5
Average low °C (°F) 19.9
Average precipitation mm (inches) 84
Average precipitation days 15.0 11.5 11.5 11.6 13.6 12.8 15.4 16.2 16.6 18.1 16.6 15.7 174.6
Mean monthly sunshine hours 235.6 229.1 232.5 240.0 244.9 237.0 244.9 248.0 216.0 217.0 207.0 223.2 2,775.2
Source: Hong Kong Observatory [37]

Tropical cyclones and storm surges Edit

Located in a very exposed region, Guadeloupe and its dependencies have to face many cyclones. The deadliest hurricane to hit Guadeloupe was the Pointe-à-Pitre hurricane of 1776, which killed at least 6,000 people. [38]

On September 16, 1989, Hurricane Hugo caused severe damage to the islands of the archipelago and left a deep mark on the memory of the local inhabitants. In 1995, three hurricanes (Iris, Luis and Marilyn) hit the archipelago in less than three weeks.

Some of the deadliest hurricanes that have hit Guadeloupe are the following:

In the 20th century: September 12, 1928: hurricane Okeechobee August 11, 1956: hurricane Betsy August 22, 1964: hurricane Cleo September 27, 1966: hurricane Inez September 16-17, 1989: hurricane Hugo September 14-15, 1995: hurricane Marilyn.

In the 21st century: September 6, 2017: hurricane Irma September 18-19, 2017: hurricane Maria.

Flora Edit

With fertile volcanic soils, heavy rainfall and a warm climate, vegetation on Basse-Terre is lush. [31] Most of the islands' forests are on Basse-Terre, containing such species as mahogany, ironwood and chestnut trees. [2] Mangrove swamps line the Salée River. [2] Much of the forest on Grande-Terre has been cleared, with only a few small patches remaining. [2]

Between 300 and 1,000 m of altitude, the rainforest that covers a large part of the island of Basse-Terre develops. There we find the white gum tree, the acomat-boucan or chestnut tree, the marbri or bois-bandé or the oleander shrubs and herbaceous plants such as the mountain palm, the balisier or ferns many epiphytes: bromeliads, philodendrons, orchids and lianas. Above 1,000 m, the humid savannah develops, composed of mosses, lichens, sphagnum or more vigorous plants such as mountain mangrove, high altitude violet or mountain thyme.

The dry forest occupies a large part of the islands of Grande-Terre, Marie-Galante, Les Saintes, La Désirade and also develops on the leeward coast of Basse-Terre. The coastal forest is more difficult to develop because of the nature of the soil (sandy, rocky), salinity, sunshine and wind and is the environment where the sea grape, the mancenilla (a very toxic tree whose trunk is marked with a red line), the icaquier or the coconut tree grow. On the cliffs and in the arid zones are found cacti such as the cactus-cigar (Cereus), the prickly pear, the chestnut cactus, the "Tête à l'anglais" cactus and the aloes.

The mangrove forest that borders some of Guadalupe's coasts is structured in three levels, from the closest to the sea to the farthest. On the first level are the red mangroves on the second, about ten meters from the sea, the black mangroves form the shrubby mangrove on the third level the white mangroves form the tall mangrove. Behind the mangrove, where the tide and salt do not penetrate, a swamp forest sometimes develops, unique in Guadeloupe. The representative species of this environment is the Mangrove-medaille.

Fauna Edit

Few terrestrial mammals, aside from bats and raccoons, are native to the islands. The introduced Javan mongoose is also present on Guadeloupe. [2] Bird species include the endemic purple-throated carib, Guadeloupe woodpecker and the extinct Guadeloupe parakeet. [2] The waters of the islands support a rich variety of marine life. [2]

However, by studying 43,000 bone remains from six islands in the archipelago, 50 to 70% of snakes and lizards on the Guadeloupe Islands became extinct after European colonists arrived, who had brought with them mammals such as cats, mongooses, rats, and raccoons, which might have preyed upon the native reptiles. [39]

Environmental preservation Edit

In recent decades, Guadeloupe's natural environments have been affected by hunting and fishing, forest retreat, urbanization and suburbanization. They also suffer from the development of intensive crops (banana and sugar cane, in particular), which reached their peak in the years 1955-75. This has led to the following situation: seagrass beds and reefs have degraded by up to 50% around the large islands mangroves and mantids have almost disappeared in Marie-Galante, Les Saintes and La Désirade the salinity of the fresh water table has increased due to "the intensity of use of the layer" and pollution of agricultural origin (pesticides and nitrogenous compounds). [40]

In addition, the ChlEauTerre study, unveiled in March 2018, concludes that 37 different anthropogenic molecules (more than half of which come from residues of now-banned pesticides, such as chlordecone) were found in "79% of the watersheds analyzed in Grande-Terre and 84% in Basse-Terre." A report by the Guadeloupe Water Office notes that in 2019 there is a "generalized degradation of water bodies."

Despite everything, there is a will to preserve these environments whose vegetation and landscape are preserved in some parts of the islands and constitute a sensitive asset for tourism. These areas are partially protected and classified as ZNIEFF, sometimes with nature reserve status, and several caves are home to protected chiropterans.

The Guadalupe National Park was created on February 20, 1989. In 1992, under the auspices of UNESCO, the Biosphere Reserve of the Guadeloupe Archipelago (Réserve de biosphère de l'archipel de la Guadeloupe) was created. As a result, on December 8, 1993, the marine site of Grand Cul-de-sac was listed as a wetland of international importance. [41] The island thus became the overseas department with the most protected areas.

Earthquakes and tsunamis Edit

The archipelago is crossed by numerous geological faults such as those of la Barre or la Cadoue, while in depth, in front of Moule and La Désirade begins the Désirade Fault, and between the north of Maria-Galante and the south of Grande-Terre begins the Maria Galante Fault. And it is because of these geological characteristics that the islands of the department of Guadeloupe are classified in zone III according to the seismic zoning of France and are subject to a specific risk prevention plan. [42]

The 1843 earthquake in the Lesser Antilles is, to this day, the most violent earthquake known. It caused the death of more than a thousand people, as well as major damage in Pointe-à-Pitre.

On November 21, 2004, the islands of the department, in particular Les Saintes archipelago, were shaken by a violent earthquake that reached a magnitude of 6.3 on the Richter scale and caused the death of one person, as well as extensive material damage. [43]

Guadeloupe recorded a population of 402,119 in the 2013 census. [44] The population is mainly of Afro-Caribbean or mixed Creole, white European, Indian (Tamil, Telugu, and other South Indians), Lebanese, Syrians, and Chinese. There is also a substantial population of Haitians in Guadeloupe who work mainly in construction and as street vendors. [45] Basse-Terre is the political capital however, the largest city and economic hub is Pointe-à-Pitre. [2]

The population of Guadeloupe has been stable recently, with a net increase of only 335 people between the 2008 and 2013 censuses. [46] In 2012 the average population density in Guadeloupe was 247.7 inhabitants for every square kilometre, which is very high in comparison to the whole France's 116.5 inhabitants for every square kilometre. [ citation needed ] One third of the land is devoted to agriculture and all mountains are uninhabitable this lack of space and shelter makes the population density even higher.

Major urban areas Edit

Rank Urban Area Pop. (08) Pop. (99) Δ Pop Activities Island
1 Pointe-à-Pitre 132,884 132,751 0.1% economic center Grande-Terre and
2 Basse-Terre 37,455 36,126 3.68% administrative center Basse-Terre
3 Sainte-Anne 23,457 20,410 14.9% tourism Grande-Terre
4 Petit-Bourg 22,171 20,528 8% agriculture Basse-Terre
5 Le Moule 21,347 20,827 2.5% agriculture Grande-Terre

Health Edit

In 2011, life expectancy at birth was recorded at 77.0 years for males and 83.5 for females. [47]

Medical centers in Guadeloupe include: University Hospital Center (CHU) in Pointe-à-Pitre, Regional Hospital Center (CHR) in Basse-Terre, and four hospitals located in Capesterre-Belle-Eau, Pointe-Noire, Bouillante and Saint-Claude. [ circular reference ] [48]

The Institut Pasteur de la Guadeloupe, is located in Pointe-à-Pitre and is responsible for researching environmental hygiene, vaccinations, and the spread of tuberculosis and mycobacteria [49]

Together with Martinique, La Réunion, Mayotte and French Guiana, Guadeloupe is one of the overseas departments, being both a region and a department combined into one entity. [2] It is also an outermost region of the European Union. The inhabitants of Guadeloupe are French citizens with full political and legal rights.

Legislative powers are centred on the separate departmental and regional councils. [2] The elected president of the Departmental Council of Guadeloupe is currently Josette Borel-Lincertin its main areas of responsibility include the management of a number of social and welfare allowances, of junior high school (collège) buildings and technical staff, and local roads and school and rural buses. The Regional Council of Guadeloupe is a body, elected every six years, consisting of a president (currently Ary Chalus) and eight vice-presidents. The regional council oversees secondary education, regional transportation, economic development, the environment, and some infrastructure, among other things.

Guadeloupe elects one deputy from one of each of the first, second, third, and fourth constituencies to the National Assembly of France. Three senators are chosen for the Senate of France by indirect election. [2] For electoral purposes, Guadeloupe is divided into two arrondissements (Basse-Terre and Pointe-à-Pitre), and 21 cantons.

The prefecture (regional capital) of Guadeloupe is Basse-Terre. Local services of the state administration are traditionally organised at departmental level, where the prefect represents the government. [2]

Administrative divisions Edit

For the purposes of local government, Guadeloupe is divided into 32 communes. [2] Each commune has a municipal council and a mayor. Revenues for the communes come from transfers from the French government, and local taxes. Administrative responsibilities at this level include water management, civil register, and municipal police.

Name Area (km 2 ) Population Arrondissement Map
Anse-Bertrand 62.5 4,136 Pointe-à-Pitre
Baie-Mahault 46 31,193 Basse-Terre
Baillif 24.3 5,404 Basse-Terre
Basse-Terre 5.78 10,046 Basse-Terre
Bouillante 43.46 6,935 Basse-Terre
Capesterre-Belle-Eau 103.3 18,131 Basse-Terre
Capesterre-de-Marie-Galante 46.19 3,293 Pointe-à-Pitre
Deshaies 31.1 4,033 Basse-Terre
Gourbeyre 22.52 7,778 Basse-Terre
Goyave 59.91 7,588 Basse-Terre
Grand-Bourg 55.54 4,941 Pointe-à-Pitre
La Désirade 21.12 1,432 Pointe-à-Pitre
Lamentin 65.6 16,536 Basse-Terre
Le Gosier 45.2 26,692 Basse-Terre
Le Moule 82.84 22,315 Pointe-à-Pitre
Les Abymes 81.25 53,082 Pointe-à-Pitre
Morne-à-l'Eau 64.5 16,875 Pointe-à-Pitre
Petit-Bourg 129.88 24,522 Basse-Terre
Petit-Canal 72 8,212 Pointe-à-Pitre
Pointe-à-Pitre 2.66 15,410 Pointe-à-Pitre
Pointe-Noire 59.7 6,069 Basse-Terre
Port-Louis 44.24 5,635 Pointe-à-Pitre
Saint-Claude 34.3 10,659 Basse-Terre
Saint-François 61 12,348 Basse-Terre
Saint-Louis 56.28 2,421 Pointe-à-Pitre
Sainte-Anne 80.29 23,767 Basse-Terre
Sainte-Rose 118.6 18,650 Basse-Terre
Terre-de-Bas 6.8 1,011 Basse-Terre
Terre-de-Haut 6 1,526 Basse-Terre
Trois-Rivières 31.1 7,991 Basse-Terre
Vieux-Fort 7.24 1,844 Basse-Terre
Vieux-Habitants 58.7 7,154 Basse-Terre

Symbols and flags Edit

As a part of France, Guadeloupe uses the French tricolour as its flag and La Marseillaise as its anthem. [50] However, a variety of other flags are also used in an unofficial or informal context, most notably the sun-based flag. [ citation needed ] Independentists also have their own flag. [ citation needed ]

Colonial flag of Guadeloupe

Red variant of the colonial sun flag

Flag used by the independence and the cultural movements

Logo of the Regional Council of Guadeloupe

The economy of Guadeloupe depends on tourism, agriculture, light industry and services. [3] It is reliant upon mainland France for large subsidies and imports and public administration is the largest single employer on the islands. [2] [3] Unemployment is especially high among the youth population. [3]

In 2017, the Gross domestic product (GDP) of Guadeloupe was €9.079 billion, and showed 3.4% growth. The GDP per capita of Guadeloupe was €23,152. [51] Imports amounted to €3.019 billion, and exports to €1.157 billion. The main export products are bananas, sugar and rum. Banana exports suffered in 2017 from damages due to Hurricane Irma and Hurricane Maria. [51]

Tourism Edit

Tourism is the one of the most prominent sources of income, with most visitors coming from France and North America. [3] An increasingly large number of cruise ships visit Guadeloupe, the cruise terminal of which is in Pointe-à-Pitre. [52]

Agriculture Edit

The traditional sugar cane crop is slowly being replaced by other crops, such as bananas (which now supply about 50% of export earnings), eggplant, guinnep, noni, sapotilla, giraumon squash, yam, gourd, plantain, christophine, cocoa, jackfruit, pomegranate, and many varieties of flowers. [2] Other vegetables and root crops are cultivated for local consumption, although Guadeloupe is dependent upon imported food, mainly from the rest of France. [53]

Light industry Edit

Of the various light industries, sugar and rum production, solar energy, cement, furniture and clothing are the most prominent. [2] Most manufactured goods and fuel are imported.

Language Edit

Guadeloupe's official language is French, which is spoken by nearly all of the population. [2] [3] In addition, most of the population can also speak Guadeloupean Creole, a variety of Antillean Creole. Traditionally stigmatised as the language of the Creole majority, attitudes have changed in recent decades. In the early 1970s to the mid 1980s Guadeloupe saw the rise and fall of an at-times violent movement for (greater) political independence from France, [54] [55] and Creole was claimed as key to local cultural pride and unity. In the 1990s, in the wake of the independence movement's demise, Creole retained its de-stigmatized status as a symbol of local culture, albeit without de jure support from the state and without being practiced with equal competence in all strata and age groups of society. [56] [57] However, the language has since gained greater acceptance on the part of France, such that it was introduced as an elective in public schools. Today, the question as to whether French and Creole are stable in Guadeloupe, i.e. whether both languages are practised widely and competently throughout society, remains a subject of active research. [58]

Religion Edit

About 80% of the population are Roman Catholic. [2] Guadeloupe is in the diocese of Basse-Terre (et Pointe-à-Pitre). [59] [60] Other major religions include various Protestant denominations. [2] In 1685, the Black Code announced the Christian religion in its Catholic form as the only authorized religion in the French West Indies, thus excluding Jews and the various Protestant groups from practicing their beliefs, and imposed the forced conversion of the newly arrived slaves and the baptism of the older ones.

This was followed by a rapid fashion among the slaves, since this religion offered them a spiritual refuge and allowed them to safeguard some of their African beliefs and customs, thus marking the beginning of a religious syncretism. [61] Since the 1970s, new religions and groups have been 'competing' with the Catholic Church, such as the Evangelical Pentecostal Church, the Seventh-day Adventist Church, the Bible Students or Jehovah's Witnesses and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

Administratively, the territory of Guadeloupe is part of the Diocese of Basse-Terre and Pointe-à-Pitre, attached to the Catholic Church in France. The diocese includes the territories of Guadeloupe, St. Barthélemy and St. Martin and the number of faithful is estimated at 400,000. In 2020 there were 59 priests active in the diocese. [62] The episcopal see is located in Basse-Terre, in the cathedral of Notre-Dame-de-Guadeloupe.

Hinduism, which accompanied the Indians who came to work in Guadeloupe in the mid-19th century, has expanded since the 1980s. The Indian community has its own tradition that comes from India. It is the mayé men, a distorted pronunciation of the name of the Tamil Indian goddess Mariamman. There are no less than 400 temples in the archipelago. Islam made its appearance in the French West Indies in the 1970s, first in Martinique.

According to the president of the Muslim association of Guadeloupe, there are between 2,500 and 3,000 Muslims in the department. The island has two mosques. Judaism has been present in Guadeloupe since the arrival of Dutch settlers expelled from the northeast of present-day Brazil in 1654. There is a synagogue and an Israelite cultural community. [63] Guadeloupeans of Syrian and Lebanese origin practice Catholicism in its Maronite form. Rastafarianism has been attractive to some young people since the 1970s following its emergence in the United States and Jamaica. The quimbois or kenbwa, practiced in Guadeloupe, refer to magical-religious practices derived from Christian and African syncretism.

Literature Edit

Guadeloupe has always had a rich literary output, with Guadeloupean author Saint-John Perse winning the 1960 Nobel Prize in Literature. Other prominent writers from Guadeloupe or of Guadeloupean descent include Maryse Condé, Simone Schwarz-Bart, Myriam Warner-Vieyra, Oruno Lara, Daniel Maximin, Paul Niger, Guy Tirolien and Nicolas-Germain Léonard.

Music Edit

Music and dance are also very popular, and the interaction of African, French and Indian cultures [64] has given birth to some original new forms specific to the archipelago, most notably zouk music. [65] Since the 1970s, Guadeloupean music has increasingly claimed the local language, Guadeloupean Creole as the preferred language of popular music. Islanders enjoy many local dance styles including zouk, zouk-love, compas, as well as the modern international genres such as hip hop, etc.

Traditional Guadeloupean music includes biguine, kadans, cadence-lypso, and gwo ka. Popular music artists and bands such as Experience 7, Francky Vincent, Kassav' (which included Patrick St-Eloi, and Gilles Floro) embody the more traditional music styles of the island, whilst other musical artists such as the punk band The Bolokos (1) or Tom Frager focus on more international genres such as rock or reggae. Many international festivals take place in Guadeloupe, such as the Creole Blues Festival on Marie-Galante. [ citation needed ] All the Euro-French forms of art are also ubiquitous, enriched by other communities from Brazil, Dominican Republic, Haiti, India, Lebanon, Syria) who have migrated to the islands.

Classical music has seen a resurgent interest in Guadeloupe. One of the first known composers of African origin was born in Guadeloupe, Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges, a contemporary of Joseph Haydn and Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, and a celebrated figure in Guadeloupe. Several monuments and cites are dedicated to Saint-Georges in Guadeloupe, and there is an annual music festival, Festival International de Musique Saint-Georges, dedicated in his honour. [66] The festival attracts classical musicians from all over the world and is one of the largest classical music festivals in the Caribbean. [67]

Another element of Guadeloupean culture is its dress. A few women (particularly of the older generation) wear a unique style of traditional dress, with many layers of colourful fabric, now only worn on special occasions. [ citation needed ] On festive occasions they also wore a madras (originally a "kerchief" from South India) headscarf tied in many different symbolic ways, each with a different name. The headdress could be tied in the "bat" style, or the "firefighter" style, as well as the "Guadeloupean woman". [ citation needed ] Jewellery, mainly gold, is also important in the Guadeloupean lady's dress, a product of European, African and Indian inspiration. [ citation needed ]

Basketball is also popular. Best known players are the NBA players Rudy Gobert, Mickaël Piétrus, Johan Petro, Rodrigue Beaubois, and Mickael Gelabale (now playing in Russia), who were born on the island.

Several track and field athletes, such as Marie-José Pérec, Patricia Girard-Léno, Christine Arron, and Wilhem Belocian, are also Guadeloupe natives. Triple Olympic champion Marie-José Pérec, and fourth-fastest 100-metre (330-foot) runner Christine Arron.

The island has produced many world-class fencers. Yannick Borel, Daniel Jérent, Ysaora Thibus, Anita Blaze, Enzo Lefort and Laura Flessel were all born and raised in Guadeloupe. According to olympic gold medalist and world champion Yannick Borel, there is a good fencing school and a culture of fencing in Guadeloupe. [68]

Even though Guadeloupe is part of France, it has its own sports teams. Rugby union is a small but rapidly growing sport in Guadeloupe.

The island is also internationally known for hosting the Karujet Race – Jet Ski World Championship since 1998. This nine-stage, four-day event attracts competitors from around the world (mostly Caribbeans, Americans, and Europeans). The Karujet, generally made up of seven races around the island, has an established reputation as one of the most difficult championships in which to compete.

The Route du Rhum is one of the most prominent nautical French sporting events, occurring every four years.

Bodybuilder Serge Nubret was born in Anse-Bertrand, Grande-Terre, representing the French state in various bodybuilding competitions throughout the 1960s and 1970s including the IFBB's Mr. Olympia contest, taking 3rd place every year from 1972 to 1974, and 2nd place in 1975. [69] Bodybuilder Marie-Laure Mahabir also hails from Guadeloupe.

The country has also a passion for cycling. It hosted the French Cycling Championships in 2009 and continues to host the Tour de Guadeloupe every year.

Guadeloupe also continues to host the Orange Open de Guadeloupe tennis tournament (since 2011).

The Tour of Guadeloupe sailing, which was founded in 1981.

In boxing, the following athletes come from the island of Guadeloupe: Ludovic Proto (amateur competed in the 1988 Summer Olympics in the men's light welterweight division), Gilbert Delé (professional held the European light-middleweight title from 1989 to 1990, then won the WBA light-middleweight title in 1991, by defeating Carlos Elliott via TKO), and Jean-Marc Mormeck (professional former two-time unified cruiserweight champion—held the WBA, WBC, and The Ring world titles twice between 2005 and 2007).

Guadeloupe is served by a number of airports most international flights use Pointe-à-Pitre International Airport. [2] Boats and cruise ships frequent the islands, using the ports at Pointe-à-Pitre and Basse-Terre. [2]

On 9 September 2013 the county government voted in favour of constructing a tramway in Pointe-à-Pitre. The first phase will link northern Abymes to downtown Pointe-à-Pitre by 2019. The second phase, scheduled for completion in 2023, will extend the line to serve the university. [70]

Guadeloupe is one of the safest islands in the Caribbean [71] nevertheless, it was the most violent overseas French department in 2016. [72] The murder rate is slightly more than that of Paris, at 8.2 per 100,000. The high level of unemployment caused violence and crime to rise especially in 2009 and 2010, the years following a great worldwide recession. [73] While the residents of Guadeloupe describe the island as a place with little everyday crime, most violence is caused by the drug trade or domestic disputes. [71]

Politics and Government

New York City has traditionally been the center for Haitian opposition politics. More than 30 political groups opposed to the dictatorship of François Duvalier have been in existence there since 1957. Some have had to operate secretly because of fear of reprisals against family members back home in Haiti. Political activities in New York have occurred during three periods. The first period was from 1956 to 1964 when former Haitian officials dominated and hoped to install a new president and to introduce reforms in the Haitian government system. Several attempted invasions of Haiti occurred during this period. The next period of activity occurred during the years from 1965 through 1970. The Haitian American Coalition (La Coalition Hatienne) was formed in 1964, composed of the groups Jeune Haiti, Les Forces Revolutionnaires Haitiennes, Le Mouvement Revolutionnaires du 12 Novembre, and followers of ex-President Paul-Eugene Magloire. The Coalition published a newspaper Le Combattant Haitien and broadcast messages to Haiti on Radio Vonvon. In 1970 the coalition was dissolved and La Resistance Haitienne was organized, which had more popular support. In 1971, the Comité de Mobilisation was formed to attempt to overthrow Jean-Claude Duvalier. This group was dissolved and in 1977, Le Regroupement de Forces Democratiques was formed to force Duvalier from power after he had completed his six-year term. Involvement in the American political process began in earnest in 1968 when Haitian Americans formed the Haitian American Political Organization. This organization was formed to lobby on behalf of the Haitian American community. Haitian Americans have worked in various elections to increase their presence as political force to obtain public services to be provided to the community.

On April 20, 1990, more than 50,000 Haitian Americans marched across the Brooklyn Bridge to City Hall to protest the action of the Centers for Disease Control and the American Red Cross. These organizations had ruled that no Haitian could donate blood because all Haitians were AIDS risks. This was one of the largest demonstrations of its type and encouraged local leaders to find a Haitian candidate for the city council from Brooklyn.

Currently, an increasing amount of political activity has involved attempts to help the "boat people" who have tried to escape oppressive conditions in Haiti. The Haitian Refugee Center in Miami and the National Coalition for Haitian Rights work to help those refugees trapped in the American legal system and facing possible deportation. The Coalition also worked to help Haitians in Haiti. The group reported in 1997 that the police force in Haiti, trained by the United States, engaged in abusive tactics. It also showed that the United States and the European Union were engaging in useless judicial reform efforts, prompting a policy change.


The American Revolution saw the participation of freedmen from Saint Domingue who fought under General Lafayette at Savannah in 1779. From 1814 to 1815, Joseph Savary headed the Second Battalion of Freemen of Color which fought under General Andrew Jackson. Savary was the first black to hold the rank of major in the U.S. Army.

Since the largest number of immigrants arrived in the United States after World War II, there was not a great involvement on their part in earlier wars. Many Haitian Americans, however, served in Vietnam. Haitian Americans currently serve in the U.S. armed forces indeed, many of them were sent to Haiti to serve as Creole interpreters during the efforts to reinstate President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

History: Sociology and Caribbean

Emancipation is defined as various efforts to obtain political rights or equality, often for specifically disfranchised groups. Many countries and states have gone through this revitalizing process during one period of time in their historic accounts. For Caribbean states, this period was also a mark of re-development and re-establishment of economies and societies. Emancipation in the Caribbean was the catalyst for many positive steps in the future but also setback in humanity with respect to human rights.

In this paper one will analyze the structural techniques and traits used to facilitate the construction of Caribbean societies, post emancipation. Furthermore, one will also identify the continuities and change that was brought about by three key strategic techniques consisting of peasantry, indentured workers and social and economic class. The year 1838, gave rise to the first glimpse of a new class in Caribbean society Peasantry traced back in Caribbean history as noted by Woodville K.

Marshall, gave insight on the development and establishment of a new social class which had profound affects on Caribbean societies abroad (Marshall, 1968, p99). A peasant in the Caribbean, was defined as an ex-slave whom during and after emancipation in 1838, started to occupy and seize abandoned land to start small farms and plantation harvest for the livelihood of themselves and their families. Marshall states that there were three main stages of maturation in peasantry during the period of 1838 to present day.

The first stage, period of establishment from 1830 to 1860 was signified by the large number of growing peasants and land seizure. The second stage, period of consolidation from 1860 to 1900 was marked by the successful expansion of peasant crop export (Marshall, 1968, p101). Lastly, Marshall suggests that the third stage, of which was saturation, was the drawing point of peasant expansionism from 1900 onward. Shortage of land imposed a limit on this development. As a result, shortage of land leads to a decrease amoung peasantry over the years and dramatically declines the production rates (Marshall, 1968, p102).

The reality of peasantry in the Caribbean is seen a positive and rewarding element in Caribbean history. The so called role of peasants helped to innovate economic life in Caribbean communities. Peasants also helped to diversify and alter monocultural traditions (Marshall, 1968, p103). Peasant economies flourished on the highly demanded plantation staples of Caribbean consisting of coffee bananas, pinapple, sweet potatoes and many other Caribbean vegetables and fruits.

Peasants did not only play a role in establishing a healthy and stable economy, they also helped to pave the way for the first “villages” and “communities,” consisting of some of the most structured social institutions schools, churches and markets. As Marshall says, peasants initiated “self-generating communities” (Marshall, 1968, 103). Following emancipation and peasantry, a new type of modernized slavery was introduced into some Caribbean states in 1843. Indentured workers were sought to be just workers but would soon adapt to the peasant ways of building Caribbean societies.

Post emancipation gave way to many problems and circumstances. After emancipation, most regions remained dependent upon plantation economics and primary commodity production. As discussed previously, ex-slaves had turned to peasantry and had became more independent and focused more on their “self-generating communities,” which left some colonial powers with the question of how to get plantation grounds started again, the most cheap, legal and efficient way (Haraksingh, p212). The era known as the “new slave” came upon the Caribbean in 1845. Indentured labour was initiated by colonial imports of over-sea workers from Asia.

Two countries in particular, China and India were major role-players in indentured labour. Trinidad, Barbados, Jamaica, Cuba and Guyana were only some of the countries in the Caribbean to be flooded with indentured workers from Asia. It was very effortless for colonial offices to recruit such workers from across the world because of the many different push factors including lack of opportunities at home, war, colonization, and population and family honour. Some pull factors may have been the economic possibilities and simply, the opportunity for a new beginning (Haraksingh, p210).

Both ethnicities were brought rapidly and efficiently because ex-colonials saw this as a form of slavery and a step in the right direction to regain power to divide and conquer (Renard, p168. ) Caribbean indentureship provokingly had a tale of two sides as mentioned by Renard. Resistance and rebellion came about giving the indentured workers an opportunity to essentially exercise their human rights, more notably to experience freedoms and mobility that were near impossible to entertain in their home countries. Thus, ex-colonial ideas were back firing on them as the migration itself from Asia to the Caribbean began to take on an identity f resistance by some workers (Renard, p. 214. ) Through it all, indentured workers definitely put on a strain on Caribbean history with resistance and rebellion. However, a couple positive presumptions can be announced. Various methods were employed by indentured workers to maintain sanity and hope for the future to come. Furthermore, resistance movements gave way to religious and cultural traditions. Today, Indo-Caribbean and Asian Caribbean rituals, festivals and religious holidays have all become an integral part of Caribbean culture in places where these immigrant workers once rebelled and resisted in.

Post emancipation and indentureship ultimately lead to an abundance of distinct social classes. Slavery revolutionized the social system into a three-tier- social structure. Firstly, the white upper class, the coloured middle stratum and the bottom black masses. Brereton states that in the mid-nineteenth century a fourth class was introduced by way of the Indian-Chinese workers (Brereton, p89). Over the years the social system in the Caribbean was always in constant flux, shifting the white upper class to the middle putting the Indo-Caribbean and Chinese in the mix at the top of the social class (Brereton, p89).

Also, by the mid-nineteenth century, there was a dramatic increase in the size of the middle stratum which consisted predominantly of ex-slave and Creole children. This in turn, helped to improve the social experience of the members in the middle class, which were much more prosperous in the long run (Brereton, p90). The lasting effects of post-slavery were still trickling down onto middle and bottom classes. The material culture for these classes were dominated by poverty, underdevelopment and skewed trade of resources.

Colonials were banking their wealth off of the white upper class which controlled most resources and plantation. Most peasants and indentured workers continued to work as plantation wage labourers to produce earnings. One type of social system that Brereton states, the peasants and indentured workers accepted and thrived in, is the idea of “independent farmers” (Brereton, p99). Economically, Many Caribbean classes depended on plantation wage labour to get them through life. However, some community people found other alternatives and resources such as fishing.

Labourers still struggled economically because of irregular pay and seasonal employment across land estates (Brereton, p100). The sugar depression of 1880 to 1914 had a significant impact on the migration patterns of labourers from the plantation grounds to towns to seek jobs. As a result this the job employment rates in towns had dropped significantly. Poverty was at the forefront and was lasting result which plagued the Caribbean society for many years. For some, poverty meant poor housing conditions which meant poor health as well.

Epidemics and disease spread throughout the lands because of improper healthcare and housing situations. Family life was in despair for most classes because of the countries economic struggles (Brereton, p102-103). Most people did not know what to turn to, others turned to faith. It is stated that by the mid-nineteenth century most religious workers depended on their strong religious values and ideals to get them through rough times in their social cases and economic struggles. The general religious practices of the towns and village were powerful in constructing and shaping most Caribbean societies.

Indo-Caribbean people were grounded on Hinduism, Afro-Caribbean were grounded of African culture and rituals. The most prosperous of them all in Caribbean society, would have been the already established Christian churches, which flourished amongst all social groups post emancipation (Brereton, p104). In conclusion, one can definitely see that the people of the Caribbean were very much responsible for the structure and foundations of societies that are there today. The structural strategies used including peasantry, indentured workers and social and economical class all orchestrated social and economical balance in the Caribbean.

From the ex-slaves turned peasants to the indentured immigrated workers, all of these cultures and cultural groups instilled and shaped social interaction and social institutional settings by means of struggle and determination during post emancipation. We can see that peasantry by former slaves helped to give rise and attribute to independence and economic life and growth. Likewise, indentured workers not only brought a sense of new beginning and innovation, but also the will to keep faith mix and accept cultural traditions with of the Caribbean.

Lastly, the three tier social system which once ruled in slavery slowly dissipated due to the large number of economic and social growth amongst middle class individuals in the Caribbean. These aspects of Caribbean societies clearly illustrate that the continuities in terms of the economy were still facilitated and were still generally around pre and post-emancipation. Furthermore, change was certainly evident in social and cultural standards amongst the Caribbean nations with the trait of independence being the driving motive behind the people and construction of Caribbean societies. Bibliography

Bridget Brereton, “Society and Culture in the Caribbean: The British and French West Indies, 1870-1980” in F. W. Knight and C. A. Palmer, The Modern Caribbean, 85-110. Kusha R. Haraksingh, “Control and Resistance among Overseas Indian Workers: A Study of Labour on the Sugar Plantation of Trinidad, 1875-1917,” in Beckles and Shepherd, Caribbean Freedom, 207-214. Rosammunde Renard, “Immigration and Indentureship in the French West Indies 1848-1870”, in Beckles and Shepherd, Caribbean Freedom, 161-168. Woodville Marshall, “Notes on Peasent development in the West Indies since 1838,” Social and Economic Studies, vol 17, 1968, pgs. 1-14.

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Haiti becomes an officially-recognized free nation in the eyes of the entire world, including France.

The time line about showed a brief history of the Caribbean and the man rulers they have had throughout the years. As seen the Caribbean has a major European upbringing due to the fact that many of there rulers were European for instance the England, Spain and France. They also speak many languages while they gained from there ancestors and inhabitant who lived in the country before them. Some of these languages include English, Spanish, French, Dutch, Hindi and Chinese.

Due to this rich Heritage of this Caribbean and how everyone comes together in a way like to other even after the struggles faced before us we can still say “All Ah We Is One.” Even though many of the persons who came to the Caribbean came as a result to slavery and many lives were lost in the end as a result of mistreatment and terrible working conditions still found a way to may a better life for themselves by working hard enough to buy there freedom from the slave master. This is the reason today we all can work as one and not have to be in these same conditions.

Watch the video: Are the Europeans 1 Race? The Genetic Evidence (August 2022).